中国共产党执政道德建设研究论纲

文章探讨了为什么要研究“中国共产党执政道德建设”;分析了中国共产党执政道德建设的内在规定性;梳理了中国共产党执政道德建设的研究基础,指出了中国共产党执政道德建设的研究路向与视角;构想了中国共产党执政道德建设的研究框架;阐述了中国共产党执政道德建设的研究方法;这对于加强中国共产党执政道德建设的研究,提升中国共产党执政道德水平,进而提高中国共产党的执政能力和领导水平具有重要的理论和实践指导意义。     

试析中国国家主导的公民道德建设之合理性

针对中国国家主导的公民道德建设的合理性,从中国共产党性质、目标、任务的先进性、合理性;现代化经济建设的客观要求;社会主义国家文化职能等方面进行阐述,同时,从思想史上对国家职能认识的角度,强调了社会主义中国对国家在道德建设中的作用重视的必要性。     

“西部计划”志愿者服务满意度的调查研究

研究采用自编问卷对服务期满的西部志愿者就其服务的满意度进行调查。结果发现:服务初衷实现程度、服务影响力评价、服务满意度、服务态度、社会支持方面的得分性别差异不显著;政治面貌为中共党员的志愿者在服务态度和服务满意度方面得分均显著高于政治面貌为团员的志愿者;来自西部地区的志愿者在自我评价的服务初衷实现程度上的得分显著低于来自东部和中部地区的志愿者,东部和中部地区的志愿者之间则无显著差异,这种差异或源于西部地区志愿者感受到的社会支持(主观支持)低于中、东部志愿者。     

建立县级领导干部绩效结构和考核指标体系的思考

县级领导干部的绩效考核一直是党和国家关注的焦点,而实践中县级领导干部的绩效考核多年来一直是个难点问题。该文通过回顾国内外绩效考核的相关理论和文献,对应该如何建立科学有效的县级领导干部绩效结构及考核指标体系进行了探讨,并进一步提出了其研究的创新和意义所在。     

THE REGENTS VERSUS THE PROFESSORS: EDWARD TOLMAN'S ROLE IN THE CALIFORNIA LOYALTY OATH CONTROVERSY

In 1950, the University of California Board of Regents approved a policy that all faculty members, as a condition for continued employment, were required to either sign an oath indicating that they were not members of the Communist Party or explain why they would not sign. A group of faculty members, led by psychologist Edward Tolman, refused to sign the oath and were fired. This article discusses how Tolman emerged as the leader of the faculty nonsigners and how his stature within psychology enabled him to recruit assistance from the American Psychological Association and the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues.     

Wilhelm Reich in Soviet Russia: Psychoanalysis,Marxism, and the Stalinist reaction

Abstract

In 1929, Wilhelm Reich lectured on “Psychoanalysis as a natural science” before the Communist Academy in Moscow; he was the only Freudian-trained Central European psychoanalyst to do so. That same year, his article “Dialectical materialism and psychoanalysis” was published in the Academy's journal, Under the Banner of Marxism, in both Moscow and Berlin. By this time, Reich's involvement with political activism aligned with the Austrian Communist Party was increasing, while simultaneously psychoanalysis in the Soviet Union was in decline. Our paper places these events in their proper historical context and includes a discussion of the various attempts to determine the compatibility of psychoanalysis and Marxism. We offer analyses of both the article, “Dialectical materialism and psychoanalysis,” and the lecture, “Psychoanalysis as a natural science,” and the reactions to both by Reich's Russian critics. We show the ways in which responses to his lecture foreshadow what becomes the standard Soviet assessment of psychoanalysis. As an appendix to this paper, we provide the first English translation of the Russian account of his lecture, as published in the Herald of the Communist Academy.     

论管子“以人为本”生命学说对和谐社会建构的文化观照

《管子》可谓是一部博大精深、包罗万千、韵味隽永的富含"经邦治国"之道的百科全书式的经典佳作。它承续、生发、展拓了华夏传统文化的"贵和"思想理念,推崇创设和谐社会的关键是树立"以人为本"的生命意识。然则中国共产党人所提出的努力实现"以人为本",建设和谐社会的战略决策,可谓与管子的文化思辨、道德教化和审美情韵皆有着某种异曲同工之妙境。     

Communism and the Meaning of Social Memory: Towards a Critical-Interpretive Approach

Using a case study of representations of communism in Romania, the paper offers a sketch of a critical-interpretive approach for exploring and engaging with the social memory of communism. When one considers the various contemporary appraisals, responses to and positions towards the communist period one identifies and one is obliged to deal with a series of personal and collective moral/political quandaries. In their attempt to bring about historical justice, political elites create a world that conforms more to their needs and desires than to the diversity of meanings of communism, experiences and dilemmas of lay people. This paper argues that one needs to study formal aspects of social memory as well as ??lived??, often conflicting, attitudinal and mnemonic stances and interpretive frameworks. One needs to strive to find the meaning of the social memory of communism in the sometimes contradictory, paradoxical attitudes and meanings that members of society communicate, endorse and debate. Many of the ethical quandaries and dilemmas of collective memory and recent history can be better understood by describing the discursive and sociocultural processes of meaning-making and meaning-interpretation carried out by members of a polity.     

Zur Geschichte und aktuellen Situation der Ethik in der Sowjetunion

Developments in Soviet ethics have been largely, but not exclusively, determined by the official ideology. Since 1917 philosophers have debated four successive models of morality. In the first, morality was regarded as tool of the exploiting classes and thus was superseded by communism. This attitude in fact fostered moral nihilism and anarchism. In the second period of ethical reflection, morality was contrued as a social, class-relative, phenomenon, conceived in utilitarian terms. With respect to Communist morality whatever serves socialism as defined by the Communist Party acquires the force of a moral imperative. It is important to understand whether this perspective is true to Marx's views. Whereas classical ethics assumed an extraworldy foundation for morality Marx adopted the humanist, immanentist perspective, according to which morality has a pragmatic sense as an ideal, the goal of activity. Soviet ethical theory of the Stalin era did not deviate from this perspective, for which reason ethics as a professional science was entirely subordinated to Party decrees about socialism as an ideal. In the third period beginning in the mid-fifties, a new view came to the fore which was codified in the 1961 Party program: moral values are now regarded as having a specific quality, social development involves a moral dimension, and moral values exhibit an all-human import. During this period the leading issue among philosophers is the question of the essence and specificity of morality as distinct from other forms of social consciousness. Just prior to the era of perestrojka beginning in 1985 a fourth model emerged which in fact prepared in most essential respects the actual new thinking in morality. The matters under consideration had to do with the global dimensions of moral problems given the common experience and fears of humanity. For this reason morality was now seen as superseding politics. Presently, this reorientation has not only enabled abandoning attitudes favoring class morality, but thrown into relief the tragic consequences of this attitude within Soviet history.The new image of morality corresponds to abstract humanism with its stress on the person and universal values. The task before Soviet ethicians is to provide theoretical and methodological foundations for their research by which they can improve the professional quality of their work and provide the discipline with a new identity over and against Marxism.     

Casual Cynics or Disillusioned Democrats? Political Alienation in Japan

This paper examines the structure of political alienation among Japanese eligible voters, using data from the first, second, fifth, and sixth waves of the seven-wave Japanese Electoral Survey II (JES II). Political alienation can be expressed as comprising two dimensions, political trust and civic-mindedness. Males and people with more years of schooling are more allegiant in general; that is, they are both more trusting and more civic-minded. Evaluations of cabinet performance and support for democratic mechanisms are strongly related to political trust and civic-mindedness. Supporters of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) are no more civic-minded than average but are more trusting politically, whereas Japan Communist Party supporters are more civic-minded but a good deal less politically trusting than average. Independents are below the overall average on both the political trust and civic-mindedness dimensions. Even though party support is unstable, Japan's political system will not lose its stability as long as LDP supporters and independents constitute the majority of Japan's electorate. The advent of a new party capable of providing an alternative to the LDP is important to the future of Japanese democracy.     

RITUAL AND SELF-ESTEEM IN VICTOR TURNER AND HEINZ KOHUT

Abstract. This paper uses Victor Turner's recent discussion of liminal and liminoid forms of communitas to criticize psychoanalytic praxis, both theory and therapy. In so doing it argues that Turner's distinction can be sharpened by assimilating it to the Marxist concept of commoditization. Heinz Kohut's analysis of narcissism can be supplemented by considering how self-esteem, like other forms of behavior, is ritualized, particularly in the mother-child matrix. We can account for the recent increase in narcissistic disorders, in part, by noting how liminal forms of communitas have given way to liminoid forms. Liminoid forms of communitas, like that established in the analytic relationship, secure self-esteem less adequately than do liminal forms.     

Fear Appeals in Political Rhetoric about Terrorism: An Analysis of Speeches by Australian Prime Minister Howard

This paper explores fear-arousing content in Australian former Prime Minister John Howard's political rhetoric about terrorism. We coded 27 speeches delivered between September 2001 and November 2007 for the presence of statements promoting fear-consistent appraisals ( Smith & Lazarus, 1993 ). Fear-arousing content was present in 24 of these speeches, but the amount of fear-arousing content varied markedly. In particular, rhetoric that raised doubts about the capacity of Australia and its allies to cope with terrorism was most strongly present in the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq and at times of declining support for government policies. Textual analysis of three key speeches confirmed a marked difference between Howard's speech given immediately after the attacks on September 11, 2001, and the second and third speeches presented prior to and after the 2003 invasion of Iraq. These findings indicate that Howard has not consistently employed fear-inducing rhetoric in his speeches about terrorism, but that particular speeches appear to take this form, raising the possibility that fear-arousing rhetoric may have been selectively deployed to support his political purposes at those times.     

A Personal Love of the Good

Philosophia - In order to articulate an account of erotic love that does not attempt to transcend its personal features, Robert Solomon and Martha Nussbaum lean on the speeches by Aristophanes and...     

The Minority-Majority Conundrum in Northern Ireland: An Orange Order Perspective

Researchers have argued that, depending on the framing of the Northern Ireland conflict, each group could either be a minority or a majority relative to the other. This complicates macrosocial explanations of the conflict which make specific predictions on the basis of minority or majority positions. The present paper argues that this conundrum may have arisen from the inherent variability in microidentity processes that do not fit easily with macroexplanations. In this paper the rhetoric of relative group position is analysed in political speeches delivered by leading members of an influential Protestant institution in Northern Ireland. It is apparent that minority and majority claims are not fixed but are flexibly used to achieve local rhetorical goals. Furthermore, the speeches differ before and after the Good Friday Agreement, with a reactionary "hegemonic" Unionist position giving way to a "majority-rights power sharing" argument and a "pseudo-minority" status giving way to a "disempowered minority" argument. These results suggest a view of the Northern Ireland conflict as a struggle for "symbolic power," i.e., the ability to flexibly define the intergroup situation to the ingroup's advantage.     

Nostalgia for Communist Times and Autobiographical Memory: Negative Present or Positive Past?

Twenty‐five years after the fall of communism in Poland, a considerable number of citizens manifest nostalgia for the communist times. In this article, we approach this phenomenon within the framework of autobiographical memory and decide between two sets of hypotheses, one predicting that postcommunist nostalgia is experienced mostly by people who are dissatisfied with the present time (transformation “losers”) and the other predicting that it is the memory of the happy and most recollected past, and memories of particular decades of communism, that mostly trigger nostalgia. The study, carried out on a representative sample of Poles who remembered communism, provided stronger confirmation of the “negative present” hypothesis, but the positive past is also shown to matter. The decade of communism whose memory turned out to predict nostalgia the best was the 1980s and not, as predicted, the 1970s.     

Identity,representations, religion,and apologizing for past wrongdoings: Muslim discourse about Indonesia's 1965–66 massacres of communists

Since 1965, in Indonesia, people labelled as communists and their descendants have been mistreated. Recently, there has been an issue to apologize to them, but up until now, no official apology has been offered by the Indonesian government. The present study aims to understand how communism is perceived in Indonesia and why communism attributes labelled to a person can lead to negative effects, such as social exclusions. We interviewed 23 Muslims living in Jakarta (i.e., majority group) and used a thematic analysis to organize and describe the data. We found that Muslims who see communists as non‐believers view communist members as dangerous and a threat for the unity of the Republic of Indonesia. Among participants with such beliefs, the past maltreatments to accused communists are justified and legitimate; any apology toward the victims is considered not needed. The findings are discussed in the context of collective blaming and group essentialization, and ways to solve the problems are suggested.     

关于官德及其建设的思考

官德(即党政干部道德)既可从职业伦理的维度界定,也可从角色伦理的维度来把握;它既具政治伦理的特点,又具行政伦理的内涵。在现代法治社会,官德作为一种道德控制方式,它并不因为制约权力的法律制度体系建立健全而失去作用,它仍然是保障官员正确行使权力、实现政治和行政责任的重要机制。     

Communist Party-Vatican Interplay Over the Training of Church Leaders in China

The Catholic Church could not compromise with Communist states due to ideological incompatibility between atheist Marxism-Leninism and religious beliefs. Christianity, in the perception of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), had been closely linked with "foreign cultural imperialism". This study examines the clash of authority between the CCP and Catholic Church over seminary training, elucidating the CCP's desire to retain institutional and ideological control over this particular sector of Chinese society. The findings highlight the ideological conflict between the dialectic materialism of the CCP, combined with the economic materialism (i.e., to get rich is glorious) mentality of the Deng Xiaoping-Jiang Zemin era, and religious idealism.     

始终代表中国先进文化的前进方向

“三个代表”是个有机的整体。始终代表中国先进文化的前进方向,是其中的关键环节。中国共产党从来就是与先进文化紧密联系在一起的。党的十六大把“三个代表”列入党章,有着重大的理论意义。