副中央凹低频双字词首字字频的预视效应研究

为探讨副中央凹字的加工负荷在预视加工中的作用,选择高、低首字字频的低频双字词作为副中央凹目标词,同时采用边界范式操纵目标词首字的预视类型（包括目标预视和假字预视）。使用眼动仪记录读者的阅读过程。结果在目标词首字与整词上均发现了显著的预视效应,目标预视下的注视时间显著短于假字预视下的注视时间;在目标词的凝视时间和总注视时间上,字频主效应显著,首字低频条件下的注视时间显著长于首字高频条件;但没有发现两因素的交互作用。结果表明副中央凹低频双字词首字字频并不影响预视效应的大小。     

Mindless reading revisited: Eye movements during reading and scanning are different

In an extension of a study by Vitu, O’Regan, Inhoff, and Topolski (1995), we compared global and local characteristics of eye movements during (1) reading, (2) the scanning of transformed text (in which each letter was replaced with a z), and (3) visual search. Additionally, we examined eye behavior with respect to specific target words of high or low frequency. Globally, the reading condition led to shorter fixations, longer saccades, and less frequent skipping of target strings than did scanning transformed text. Locally, the manipulation of word frequency affected fixation durations on the target word during reading, but not during visual search or z-string scanning. There were also more refixations on target words in reading than in scanning. Contrary to Vitu et al.’s (1995) findings, our results show that eye movements are not guided by a global strategy and local tactics, but by immediate processing demands.     

眼跳发起位置对预视效应的影响

本文试图用实验的方法，通过调整目标词在句子中的位置，操纵目标词上注视点的眼跳发起位置，考察该变量对预视效应的影响。主要结果发现，和目标词上注视点的眼跳发起距离近的条件相比，眼跳发起距离远时凝视时间和回视路径时间的预视效应更大；但对数据的进一步分析表明这是一种阻碍效应。虽然“预视效益”这个词常用来代表预视加工，它实质包含了预视促进和阻碍两种不同的加工。本研究的结果有助于大家理解这两种不同性质的加工及其可能的影响因素。     

The interaction of word frequency and word class: a test of the GO model's account of the missing-letter effect

When asked to detect target letters while reading a text, participants miss more letters in frequent function words than in less frequent content words. In this phenomenon, known as the missing-letter effect, two factors covary: word frequency and word class. According to the GO model, there should be an interaction between word class and word frequency with more omissions for function than for content words only among high-frequency words. This pattern would be due to the fact that function words could only assume a structure-supporting role if they are identified rapidly, which is only possible for high-frequency words. These predictions were tested by assessing omission rate for frequent and rare function and content words. Results lend support to the GO model with more omissions for frequent than for rare words, and more omissions for the function than for the content word among high-frequency words, but not among low-frequency words. These results were observed both in English (Experiment 1) and in French (Experiment 2).     

Effects of word frequency and spelling-to-sound regularity in naming with and without preceding lexical decision

The effects of word frequency and spelling-to-sound regularity were examined using standard naming, standard lexical-decision, go/no-go naming, and go/no-go lexical-decision tasks. In both the standard and go/no-go naming tasks, tasks requiring phonological coding, a significant Frequency x Regularity interaction was observed. That is, the regularity effect was limited to low-frequency words. In the standard and go/no-go lexical-decision tasks, tasks not requiring phonological coding, no Frequency x Regularity interaction was observed. These results indicate not only that the Frequency x Regularity interaction is a product of phonological coding processes but also that these processes are similar in the standard and go/no-go naming tasks. Results are discussed in terms of the dual-route and the parallel distributed processing frameworks.     

Eye Movement Control During Reading: Foveal Load and Parafoveal Processing

We tested theories of eye movement control in reading by looking at parafoveal processing. According to attention-processing theories, attention shifts towards word n+1 only when processing of the fixated word n is finished, so that attended parafoveal processing does not start until the programming of the saccade programming to word n+1 is initiated (Henderson & Ferreira, 1990; Morrison, 1984), or even later when the processing of word n takes too long (Henderson & Ferreira, 1990). Parafoveal preview benefit should be constant whatever the foveal processing load (Morrison, 1984), or should decrease when processing word n outlasts an eye movement programming deadline (Henderson & Ferreira, 1990). By manipulating the frequency and length of the foveal word n and the visibility of the parafoveal word n+1 , we replicated the finding that the parafoveal preview benefit is smaller with a low-frequency word in foveal vision. Detailed analyses, however, showed that the eye movement programming deadline hypothesis could not account for this finding which was due not to cases where the low-frequency words n had received a long fixation, but to cases of a short fixations less than 240 msec. In addition, there was a spill-over effect of word n to word n+1 , and there was an element of parallel processing of both words. The results are more in line with parallel processing limited by the extent to which the parafoveal word processing on fixation n can be combined with the foveal word processing on fixation n+1 .     

Does interword spacing influence lexical processing in Chinese reading?

This study investigated how inserting spaces between Chinese words affected word recognition in Chinese reading. Eye movements of Chinese readers were recorded in a sentence reading task where high- and low-frequency target words were presented in both the spaced and normally unspaced texts. We found that fixation durations on target words were shorter in the high- than low-frequency conditions, and shorter in the spaced than unspaced conditions. The survival analysis revealed that interword spacing advanced the temporal onset of word frequency effects relative to the normally unspaced condition. However, inconsistent with the findings in English reading, there was no interaction between word frequency and interword spacing on all fixation duration measures, and the Bayes factor analyses also favoured the hypothesis of null interaction. These data suggest that interword spacing facilitates visual rather than lexical processing in Chinese reading, and thus improves our understanding on the roles of interword spacing across different writing systems.     

Previewing the neighborhood: the role of orthographic neighbors as parafoveal previews in reading

In 2 experiments, a boundary technique was used with parafoveal previews that were identical to a target (e.g., sleet), a word orthographic neighbor (sweet), or an orthographically matched nonword (speet). In Experiment 1, low-frequency words in orthographic pairs were targets, and high-frequency words were previews. In Experiment 2, the roles were reversed. In Experiment 1, neighbor words provided as much preview benefit as identical words and greater benefit than nonwords, whereas in Experiment 2, neighbor words provided no greater preview benefit than nonwords. These results indicate that the frequency of a preview influences the extraction of letter information without setting up appreciable competition between previews and targets. This is consistent with a model of word recognition in which early stages largely depend on excitation of letter information, and competition between lexical candidates becomes important only in later stages.     

词频与阅读方式对词跨行呈现效应的影响

通过使用眼动追踪技术,采用2（呈现条件：同行呈现、跨行呈现）×2（词频：高频、低频）×2（阅读方式：朗读、默读）的被试内实验设计,探讨了词频和阅读方式对词跨行呈现效应的影响。结果发现,呈现条件、词频和阅读方式的主效应显著,跨行呈现、低频和朗读的凝视时间和总注视时间更长、总注视次数更多;呈现条件之间在凝视时间上的差异,高频词大于低频词;呈现条件之间在凝视时间和总注视次数上的差异,朗读大于默读。结果表明,词跨行呈现干扰了阅读,且这种干扰作用受词频和阅读方式的影响。     

合理性对汉语阅读中双字词语义预视效益的优势作用：眼动研究

语义预视效益(SPB)对于揭示阅读中读者能否从副中央凹提取高水平信息具有重要意义。关于SPB的产生机制仍然存在争议。本研究通过同时操控预视词的合理性和语义相关性考察了二者对汉语阅读中双字词SPB的影响。结果发现,合理性主效应显著,合理预视下目标词的注视时间显著短于不合理预视;语义相关性主效应不显著,未发现二者的交互作用。研究结果支持了语境匹配假说,进一步说明了汉语阅读中预视词的合理性对SPB的优势作用。     

The interaction of word frequency and word class: A test of the GO model's account of the missing-letter effect

When asked to detect target letters while reading a text, participants miss more letters in frequent function words than in less frequent content words. In this phenomenon, known as the missing-letter effect, two factors covary: word frequency and word class. According to the GO model, there should be an interaction between word class and word frequency with more omissions for function than for content words only among high-frequency words. This pattern would be due to the fact that function words could only assume a structure-supporting role if they are identified rapidly, which is only possible for high-frequency words. These predictions were tested by assessing omission rate for frequent and rare function and content words. Results lend support to the GO model with more omissions for frequent than for rare words, and more omissions for the function than for the content word among high-frequency words, but not among low-frequency words. These results were observed both in English (Experiment 1) and in French (Experiment 2).     

汉语字词识别中词频和语义透明度的交互作用

该研究通过词汇判断作业考察了中文双字合成词的心理表征问题。目标刺激为高频透明、高频不透明、低频透明、低频不透明词各12个和48个假词,被试任务为即既又准的判断目标刺激是否是一个词。结果发现,高频词的词汇判断速度快于低频词,透明词的词汇判断速度快于不透明词,词频和语义透明度有显著的交互作用。透明度对低频词的识别所起的作用大于对高频词的识别所起的作用。     

Influences on and consequences of parafoveal preview in reading

During reading, information is extracted from upcoming words to the right of the currently fixated word, which facilitates recognition of those words when they are later fixated. According to the foveal load hypothesis (Henderson & Ferreira, 1990), this parafoveal preview benefit depends on how difficult the currently fixated word is to recognize. Furthermore, there is evidence that the influence of lexical variables (frequency and predictability) on word processing changes when no preview of that word is available. The present study reports two moving-window experiments in which the upcoming word to the right of fixation was either included in or excluded from the window. Through this manipulation, accurate parafoveal information was either available or not for each word in the paragraph. Two critical interactions between preview condition and lexical variables were observed. First, the word frequency at word N was found to be the primary influence on the amount of preview benefit obtained at word N+1, consistent with the foveal load hypothesis. Second, denial of preview eliminated the word predictability effect. These findings have implications for models of eye movement control in reading.     

Phonological decoding or direct access? Regularity effects in lexical decisions of Grade 3 and 4 children

Learning to read fluently involves moving from an effortful phonological decoding strategy to automatic recognition of familiar words. However, little is known about the timing of this transition, or the extent to which children continue to be influenced by phonological factors when recognizing words even as they progress in reading. We explored this question by examining regularity effects in a lexical decision task, as opposed to the more traditionally used reading-aloud task. Children in Grades 3 and 4 made go/no-go lexical decisions on high- and low-frequency regular and irregular words that had been matched for consistency. The children showed regularity effects in their accuracy for low-frequency words, indicating that they were using phonological decoding strategies to recognize unfamiliar words. The size of this effect was correlated with measures of reading ability. However, we found no regularity effects on accuracy for high-frequency words or on response times for either word type, suggesting that even 8-year-old children are already relying predominantly on a direct lexical strategy in their silent reading of familiar words.     

Eye movement control in reading and visual search: Effects of word frequency

Eye movements were recorded as subjects either read text or searched through texts for a target word. In the reading task, there was a robust word frequency effect wherein readers looked longer at low-frequency words than at high-frequency words. However, there was no frequency effect in the search task. The results suggest that decisions to move the eyes during reading are made on a different basis than they are during visual search. Implications for current models of eye movement control in reading are discussed.     

藏语阅读中中央凹词频效应及对副中央凹预视效应的影响

在不同语言文字系统中, 对于眼动控制的本质及其发生机制, 尤其是阅读过程中注意资源的分配是序列分布还是平行分布的问题, 目前仍然存在着争论和分歧。藏语是拼音文字, 但它同时又具有汉语的特点, 独具语言特色。因此, 通过对藏语阅读过程中中央凹词频对副中央凹预视效应影响这一问题的探讨, 可以在一种已有研究未曾涉及的文字系统中进一步推动上述争议的解决。本研究采用眼动记录法, 设计了两个实验。实验1操纵了中央凹词频(高频、低频), 考察藏语阅读中中央凹词的词频效应及词频延迟效应, 结果发现, 藏语阅读中存在词频效应及词频延迟效应。实验2同时操纵中央凹词频和副中央凹预视词类型, 借助边界范式, 考察藏语阅读中副中央凹预视效应及中央凹词频对副中央凹预视效应的影响, 结果发现, 藏语阅读中存在副中央凹预视效应, 且与低频中央凹词相比, 高频中央凹词对副中央凹预视效应的促进作用更大。两个实验结果表明:(1)藏语阅读中存在显著的词频效应, 且表现在词汇加工的整个过程; (2)藏语阅读中存在显著的词频延迟效应, 并贯穿于词汇加工的整个过程; (3)藏语阅读中存在显著的副中央凹预视效应, 读者能通过副中央凹预视提取到语音和字形信息。藏语阅读中中央凹词频影响副中央凹预视效应的大小, 且词频只在词汇加工的早期对形的预视信息的提取产生影响, 即在形似预视条件下高频词的预视效应更大; (4)本研究发现的词频延迟效应及副中央凹预视效应, 支持了E-Z读者模型中有关副中央凹序列加工的观点。     

Lexical processing and text integration of function and content words: Evidence from priming and eye fixations

The results of two experiments comparing processing of function words and content words are reported. In Experiment 1, priming was present for both related function and related content word pairs, as measured in lexical decision response times. In Experiment 2, participants' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing either a high- or a low-frequency function or content target word. Average word length and word frequency were matched across the function and content word conditions. Function words showed frequency effects in first-fixation and gaze duration that were similar to those seen for content words. Clear differences in on-line processing of function and content words emerged in later processing measures. These differences were reflected in reading patterns and reading time measures. There was inflated processing time in the phrase immediately following a low-frequency function word, and participants made more regressions to the target word in this condition than in the other three conditions. The priming effects in lexical decision and the word frequency effects in initial processing measures in silent reading for both word types were taken as evidence of common lexical processing for function and content words. The observed differences in later processing measures in the eye-movement data were taken as evidence of differences in the role that the two word types have in sentence processing beyond the lexical level.     

双字词整词加工与词素加工在眼跳目标选择中的作用

为探讨整词与词素加工在眼跳目标选择中的作用,本研究采用眼动追踪技术,实验1操纵了目标词的词频（高频、低频）和目标词首字字频（高频、低频）;实验2操纵了目标词的词频（高频、低频）和尾字字频（高频、低频）。结果发现：首字字频不影响眼跳目标选择。尾字字频影响眼跳目标选择,当目标词为低频词时,高频尾字条件下从前目标词到目标词的眼跳长度显著地短于低频字条件;当目标词向前眼跳从尾字发出且目标词为低频词时,高频尾字下的眼跳长度显著地长于低频条件。词频影响眼跳目标选择,高频词条件下跳进和跳出目标词的眼跳长度均长于低频词条件。结果表明整词与尾字词素的加工负荷影响随后的眼跳计划,加工负荷越低随后所计划的眼跳长度越长,尾字词素的加工受整词加工的调节,整词与词素加工以混合表征的方式影响眼动控制。     

Direct lexical control of eye movements in reading: evidence from a survival analysis of fixation durations

Participants' eye movements were monitored in an experiment that manipulated the frequency of target words (high vs. low) as well as their availability for parafoveal processing during fixations on the pre-target word (valid vs. invalid preview). The influence of the word-frequency by preview validity manipulation on the distributions of first fixation duration was examined by using ex-Gaussian fitting as well as a novel survival analysis technique which provided precise estimates of the timing of the first discernible influence of word frequency on first fixation duration. Using this technique, we found a significant influence of word frequency on fixation duration in normal reading (valid preview) as early as 145ms from the start of fixation. We also demonstrated an equally rapid non-lexical influence on first fixation duration as a function of initial landing position (location) on target words. The time-course of frequency effects, but not location effects was strongly influenced by preview validity, demonstrating the crucial role of parafoveal processing in enabling direct lexical control of reading fixation times. Implications for models of eye-movement control are discussed.