Reasonable Pluralism and the Domain of the Political: How the Weaknesses of John Rawls's Political Liberalism Can be Overcome by a Justificatory Liberalism

Under free institutions the exercise of human reason leads to a plurality of reasonable, yet irreconcilable doctrines. Rawls's political liberalism is intended as a response to this fundamental feature of modern democratic life. Justifying coercive political power by appeal to any one (or sample) of these doctrines is, Rawls believes, oppressive and illiberal. If we are to achieve unity without oppression, he tells us, we must all affirm a public political conception that is supported by these diverse reasonable doctrines. The first part of this essay argues that the free use of human reason leads to reasonable pluralism over most of what we call the political. Rawls's notion of the political does not avoid the problem of state oppression under conditions of reasonable pluralism. The second part tries to show how justificatory liberalism provides (1) a conception of the political that takes seriously the fact that the free use of human reason leads us to sharply disagree in the domain of the political while (2) articulating a conception of the political according to which the coercive intervention of the state must be justified by public reasons.     

The making of public Islam: piety, agency, and commodification on the landscape of the Indonesian public sphere

Over the last three decades, Islam has demonstrated its vitality as a system of symbolic and collective identity that informs the social and political dynamics of Indonesian society. It has increasingly served as the most important frame of reference for many Indonesians to reflect upon the socio-political and cultural system they imagined capable of bringing about justice and attaining veritable development. Keeping pace with the growing influence of Islam among the emerging Indonesian Muslim middle class, it has even gradually emerged as a symbol of elitism, associated with the road to success. Its strength lies in the fact that it has developed into some sort of network that enables large numbers of people from different social backgrounds to share and make contacts, both real and virtual. Through this network, the Islamic revival messages have resonated loudly, influencing multiple social and political fields. The network, in turn, provides credible paths for upward mobility and also a market for commercial products.     

Thought paralysis: tolerance,and the fear of Islam

In much contemporary public debate, ideas of hate and terror have become synonymous with Islam. It is difficult to talk about how justified these associations might or might not be, as protagonists are readily accused either of Islamaphobia or of a naïve and dangerous tolerance. The paper will critically draw on elements from political theory, group analysis and psychoanalysis to reflect on some of the possible psycho-social reasons and mechanisms behind this impasse. It will be suggested that part of the reason for the thought-impasse is to be found in the way that liberalism has come to be taken up by some influential strands within the multicultural and diversity movements.     

明清之际伊斯兰教中国化的“以儒诠经”模式

明清之际的以儒诠经,内涵之中历史地出现了一个特殊知识群体,自然地包含有四个目的、两大手段和三种具体作为,用话语表述,该文化创造模式可以解释为:明清之际我国伊斯兰教的以儒诠经,是回儒这个文化兼通的特殊知识群体,立足中国,采用汉语,在本土社会语境中,对该宗教经义所做出的再诠释,过程中于公的目的是兴教、明道和补足百家之不足,于私的目的是立个人不朽之言,因而针对本土元素展开了批判(为先),继而有选择地加以借用和融会贯通,同时为伊斯兰教正本清源,再通过以文会友,最终收获了针对外教的释疑并取得某种认同,从而为伊斯兰教适应本土社会赢得了有利机会和条件。