Peak shift but not range effects in recognition of faces

University students were trained to discriminate between two gray-scale images of faces that varied along a continuum from a unique face to an average face created by morphing. Following training, participants were tested without feedback for their ability to recognize the positive face (S+) within a range of faces along the continuum. In Experiments 1 and 4, the range of stimuli presented during testing was manipulated. In Experiment 2, participants viewed different ranges of faces during an adaptation period that followed training and preceded testing. In all experiments, generalization functions revealed peak shifts or area shifts (fewer “yes” responses to novel faces on the negative side of the S+), but no systematic effects of the test or adaptation range. Peak shift was found both for upright and inverted faces and occurred even if the orientation of the face was reversed between training and test. Using similar methods, either an area shift or range effect (but not both together) was demonstrated for line tilt stimuli (Experiment 3), and the appearance of these effects depended on instructions. It appears that peak shift and area shift are robust across many different kinds of stimuli, but range effects may not readily occur with complex multidimensional stimuli.     

The role of dynamic information in the recognition of unfamiliar faces

The effects of movement on unfamiliar face recognition were investigated. In an incidental learning task, faces were studied either as computer-animated (moving) displays or as a series of static images, with identical numbers of frames shown for each. The movements were either nonrigid transformations (changes in expression) or rigid rotations in depth (nodding or shaking). At test, participants saw either single, static images or moving sequences. Only one experiment showed a significant effect of study type, in favor of static instances. There was no additional advantage from studying faces in motion in these experiments, in which both study types showed the same amounts of information. Recognition memory was relatively unaffected by changes in expression between study and test. Effects of viewpoint change were large when expressive transformations had been studied but much smaller when rigid rotations in depth had been studied. The series of experiments did reveal a slight advantage for testing memory with moving compared with static faces, consistent with recent findings using familiar faces. Future work will need to examine whether such effects may also be due to the additional information provided by an animated sequence.     

The effect of embodying the elderly on time perception

The present study investigated the perception of stimulus durations represented by elderly faces or by young faces. In a temporal bisection task, participants classified intermediate durations as more similar to a short or a long reference duration. The results showed that the durations represented by elderly faces were less often classified as “long” than the durations represented by young faces. According to internal clock models of time perception, this shortening effect is due to a slowing down of the speed of the internal clock during the perception of elderly faces. Analyses also revealed an interaction between sex of face and sex of participant such that this shortening effect occurred only when the participants share the same sex than the stimulus faces. As discussed, this finding is quite consistent with embodied cognition approaches to information processing, but alternatives accounts are also considered.     

TEACHING MENTALLY RETARDED ADULTS TO TIME-MANAGE IN A VOCATIONAL SETTING

Three retarded adults who had minimal ability to tell time were trained to “time-manage.” Each was given a card with clock face representations on which the hands of the clock were drawn, representing each trainee's assigned lunch and break times. Instruction was given before work to perform each of the required behaviors when the “real” clock matched the clock faces. Praise was given following correct responses, and reprimands, instruction, and, in some instances, delay or omission of the scheduled activity followed incorrect responses. Pre-instruction and instructional feedback were then sequentially withdrawn. Results indicated that the package consisting of pre-instruction, instructional feedback, and picture cues was effective in producing independent time management responding. When the first two components were withdrawn, two trainees maintained high levels of correct responding. Correct responding decreased for one trainee when pre-instruction was withdrawn. Reintroduction and subsequent withdrawal of the components resulted in maintenance by this trainee. Little improvement in time-telling ability resulted.     

Feedback training for facial image comparison

People are typically poor at matching the identity of unfamiliar faces from photographs. This observation has broad implications for face matching in operational settings (e.g., border control). Here, we report significant improvements in face matching ability following feedback training. In Experiment 1, we show cumulative improvement in performance on a standard test of face matching ability when participants were provided with trial-by-trial feedback. More important, Experiment 2 shows that training benefits can generalize to novel, widely varying, unfamiliar face images for which no feedback is provided. The transfer effect specifically benefited participants who had performed poorly on an initial screening test. These findings are discussed in the context of existing literature on unfamiliar face matching and perceptual training. Given the reliability of the performance enhancement and its generalization to diverse image sets, we suggest that feedback training may be useful for face matching in occupational settings.     

The face inversion effect is not a consequence of aberrant eye movements

The face inversion effect is the finding that inverted faces are more difficult to recognize than other inverted objects. The present study explored the possibility that eye movements have a role in producing the face inversion effect. In Experiment 1, we demonstrated that the faces used here produce a robust face inversion effect when compared with another homogenous set of objects (antique radios). In Experiment 2, participants' eye movements were monitored while they learned a set of faces and during a recognition test. Although we clearly found a face inversion effect, the same features of a face were fixated during the learning and recognition test faces, whether the face was right side up or upside down. Thus, the face inversion effect is not a result of a different pattern of eye movements during the viewing of the face.     

A bottleneck in face identification: repetition priming from flanker images

There is evidence that face processing is capacity-limited in distractor interference tasks and in tasks requiring overt recognition memory. We examined whether capacity limits for faces can be observed with a more sensitive measure of visual processing, by measuring repetition priming of flanker faces that were presented alongside a face or a nonface target. In Experiment 1, we found identity priming for face flankers, by measuring repetition priming across a change in image, during task-relevant nonface processing, but not during the processing of a concurrently-presented face target. Experiment 2 showed perceptual priming of the flanker faces, across identical images at prime and test, when they were presented alongside a face target. In a third Experiment, all of these effects were replicated by measuring identity priming and perceptual priming within the same task. Overall, these results imply that face processing is capacity limited, such that only a single face can be identified at one time. Merely attending to a target face appears sufficient to trigger these capacity limits, thereby extinguishing identification of a second face in the display, although our results demonstrate that the additional face remains at least subject to superficial image processing.     

Greater visual averaging of face identity for own-gender faces

Recent evidence suggests that observers can rapidly form an average representation based on a set of simultaneously presented faces. Here, we replicate this finding and show that the tendency to process sets of faces in terms of an average representation is greater for own-gender faces. Male and female participants viewed sets of four male or female faces before deciding whether or not a subsequently presented single test face had been present in the set. Incorrect endorsement that it was one of the set members was greater when the test face was a morphed average of the four faces than when it was an actual set member, and this effect was strongest when the gender of the faces was the same as the observer’s. The finding that observers were more likely to incorrectly endorse own-gender (vs. other-gender) faces forms an exception to the often reported own-gender advantage in face recognition.     

面孔知觉中特征、结构和整体加工策略的眼动研究

考察面孔知觉中特征加工、结构加工和整体加工三种不同加工方式对应的眼动模式。实验1中, 将以特征信息为主的错乱面孔和以结构信息为主的模糊面孔作为线索刺激, 引发对测试面孔的特征加工和结构加工, 眼动分析表明：特征加工表现为对面孔各特征内更长的凝视时间, 结构加工表现为对面孔各特征间高频的眼跳。实验2采用相同的研究范式, 将完整面孔、轻度错乱面孔和低水平模糊面孔作为线索刺激, 引发对测试面孔除特征加工和结构加工外的另一种加工方式-- 整体加工, 表现为注视点更多地落在测试面孔中央区的鼻子部位以扩大注视范围, 进而把握整张面孔信息。本研究揭示了三种不同面孔加工方式眼动模式的差异。     

First-grade boys' responses to a new task following noncontingent feedback

Sixty-four first-grade boys trained on a two-choice discrimination task received positive feedback either contingent upon their correct responses or in the same amount but noncontingently. Each child was then asked to choose between two alternate ways of accumulating pennies. He could solve problems and earn pennies for correct responses to a contingent task, or he could collect pennies at the same rate by remaining passive. The purpose of this research was to determine if the usual effects of noncontingent feedback would transfer from a simple training procedure to a different contingent task. It was found that the total amount of time spent at the passive alternative did not differ between training conditions. However, a significantly greater number of noncontingently trained children did choose the passive alternative early during testing; these children either gave all of their time to the passive alternative or, very shortly after attempting the task, switched to the passive response. When the noncontingently trained children did choose to work actively during testing, their performance reflected ineffective problem-solving strategies. These results suggest that even when conditions change, experience with prior noncontingent feedback disrupts the ability to utilize contingent information.     

Change detection in the flicker paradigm: Do faces have an advantage?

Changes to a scene that occur during an eye movement, image flicker, or movie cut are difficult to detect. One way to measure change detection performance is with the flicker paradigm, where changes between two images are introduced during a brief blank screen, which causes the images to “flicker”. Ro, Russell, and Lavie (2001) presented flickering displays consisting of one face and five different common objects. They found that changes to faces were detected both more rapidly and more accurately than changes to objects and suggested that faces capture attention due to their biological significance. In the present studies, we found that changes to objects were more readily detected than changes to faces when displays consisted of an object among a number of faces. That is, a change detection advantage was observed for the “odd-one-out” in the array, regardless of its significance. Therefore, faces may not have a special status for change detection.     

Attentional capture and hold: the oculomotor correlates of the change detection advantage for faces

The present study investigated the influence of semantic information on overt attention. Semantic influence on attentional capture and hold mechanisms was explored by measuring oculomotor correlates of the reaction time (RT) and accuracy advantage for faces in the change detection task. We also examined whether the face advantage was due to mandatory processing of faces or an idiosyncratic strategy by participants, by manipulating preknowledge of the object category in which to expect a change. An RT and accuracy advantage was found for detecting changes in faces compared to other objects of less social and biological significance, in the form of greater attentional capture and hold. The faster attentional capture by faces appeared to overcompensate for the longer hold, to produce faster and more accurate manual responses. Preknowledge did not eliminate the face advantage, suggesting that faces receive mandatory processing when competing for attention with stimuli of less sociobiological salience.     

Repetition Priming Follows Spontaneous but not Prompted Recognition of Familiar Faces

Reaction times to make a familiarity decision to the faces of famous people were measured after recognition of the faces in a pre-training phase had occurred spontaneously or following prompting with a name or other cue. At test, reaction times to familiar faces that had been recognized spontaneously in the pre-training phase were significantly facilitated relative to an unprimed comparison condition. Reaction times to familiar faces recognized only after prompting in the pre-training phase were not significantly facilitated. This was demonstrated both when a name prompt was used (Experiments 1 and 3) and when subjects were cued with brief semantic information (Experiment 2).

Repetition priming was not found to depend on prior spontaneous recognition per se. In Experiment 3, spontaneously recognizing a familiar face did not prime subsequent familiarity judgements when the same face had only been identified following prompting on a prior encounter. In Experiment 4, recognition memory for faces recognized after cueing was found to be over 90% accurate. This indicates that prompted recognition does not yield repetition priming, even though subjects can remember the faces. A fusion of “face recognition unit” and “episodic record” accounts of the repetition priming effect may be more useful than either theory alone in explaining these results.     

Effect of visual experience on face processing: a developmental study of inversion and non-native effects

In adults, three phenomena are taken to demonstrate an experience effect on face recognition: an inversion effect, a non-native face effect (so-called 'other-race' effect) and their interaction. It is crucial for our understanding of the developmental perception mechanisms of object processing to discover when these effects are present in childhood. Three- to 5-year-old Caucasian children (N = 64) were asked to recognize upright and inverted Caucasian and Asian faces. Recognition was tested with a forced-choice procedure. Overall performance improved with age. However, there was an interaction between the inversion and non-native effects that did not change with age between ages 3 and 5: (a) the inversion effect with native (Caucasian) faces was larger than with non-native (Asian) faces, and (b) upright native faces were recognized better than upright non-native faces. These results show that face orientation and morphology constrain face processing in 3- to 5-year-olds. The first 3 years of life during which the brain and the environment interact are sufficient to build a face-processing system that constrains recognition.     

The Effect of Feedback on Face‐Matching Accuracy

In face matching, observers have to decide if two photographs depict the same person or different people. This is a remarkably difficult task, so the current study investigated whether it can be improved when observers receive feedback for their performance. In five experiments, observers' initial matching performance was recorded before feedback for their accuracy was administered across three blocks. Improvements were then assessed with faces that had been seen previously with or without feedback and with completely new, previously unseen faces. In all experiments, feedback failed to improve face‐matching accuracy. However, trial‐by‐trial feedback helped to maintain accuracy at baseline level after feedback was withdrawn again, even with new faces (Experiments 1–3). By contrast, when no feedback was given throughout the experiment (Experiments 1–3) or when outcome feedback was administered at the end of blocks (Experiments 4 and 5), a continuous decline in matching accuracy was found, whereby observers found it increasingly difficult to tell different facial identities apart. A sixth experiment showed that this decline in accuracy continues throughout when the matching task is prolonged substantially. Together, these findings indicate that observers find it increasingly difficult to differentiate faces in matching tasks over time, but trial‐by‐trial feedback can help to maintain accuracy. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Face category differentially influences face memories after a delay

ABSTRACT

Faces belonging to the same category as the perceiver are better recognised than faces from different categories when tested immediately. After a delay, the same-category benefit persists and response bias becomes more liberal for other-category but not same-category faces. These effects are typically attributed to better encoding of same-category than other-category faces. To determine whether bias effects after a delay persist when immediate accuracy differences are minimised, Hispanic and Caucasian participants were given more study time for other-category than same-category faces. Memory was tested immediately and after a two-day delay. Discrimination accuracy was higher for other-category than for same-category faces during both test sessions. Bias was equivalent immediately, but after the delay, bias was more conservative for same-category than for other-category faces, especially in Caucasian participants. These results suggest that post-encoding processes differentially influence face memories from different categories, which may have implications for evaluating face memory in everyday situations.     

Brain activity associated with omission of an aversive event reveals the effects of fear learning and generalization

During fear learning, anticipation of an impending aversive stimulus increases defensive behaviors. Interestingly, omission of the aversive stimulus often produces another response around the time the event was expected. This omission response suggests that the subject detected a mismatch between what was predicted and what actually occurred, thereby providing an indirect measure of cognitive expectancy. Here, we used functional magnetic resonance imaging to investigate whether omission-related brain activity reflects fear expectancy during learning and generalization of conditioned fear. During conditioning, a face expressing a moderate amount of fear (conditioned stimulus, CS+) signaled delivery of an aversive shock unconditioned stimulus (US), whereas the same face with a neutral expression was unreinforced. In a subsequent generalization test, subjects were presented with faces expressing more or less fear intensity than the CS+. Psychophysiological results revealed an increase in the skin conductance response (SCR) during learning when the US was omitted. Omission-related SCRs were also observed during the generalization test following the offset of high- but not low-intensity face expressions. Neuroimaging results revealed omission-related neural activity during learning in the anterior cingulate cortex, parietal cortex, insula, and striatum. These same regions also showed omission-related responses during the generalization test following highly expressive fearful faces. Finally, regression analysis on omission responses during the generalization test revealed correlations in offset-related SCRs and neural activity in the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex and posterior parietal cortex. Thus, converging psychophysiological and neural activity upon omission of aversive stimulation provides a novel metric of US expectancy, even to generalized cues that had no prior history of reinforcement.     

The perception of identity by 6 1/2-month-old infants.

In Study 1, sixteen 6 1/2-month-olds were habituated to a Reversible stimulus (an upright face that could be perceived as an entirely different upright face when it was rotated 180 degrees) and to a Nonreversible stimulus (a face that could be perceived as upright in only one orientation). Following habituation for each type of stimulus, test trials paired the habituated face with a novel stimulus (an inversion of the same face). For both Reversible and Nonreversible stimuli, the physical difference between the old and new test stimuli was the same (a 180 degrees rotation); however, infants devoted more visual attention to the 180 degrees rotation only when it was a Reversible face, suggesting that the identity change was detected. Experiment 2 ruled out the explanation that infants might have failed to dishabituate to the inversion of the Nonreversible stimulus because they could not remember it. Results are interpreted as evidence that 6 1/2-month-old infants are not limited to face recognition based on similarity in pattern arrangement alone, but are capable of processing faces at a representational level.     

Infant preference for female faces occurs for same‐ but not other‐race faces

There has been a recent surge of interest in the question of how infants respond to the social attributes of race and gender information in faces. This work has demonstrated that by 3 months of age, infants will respond preferentially to same‐race faces and faces depicting the gender of the primary caregiver. In the current study, we investigated emergence of the female face preference for same‐ versus other‐race faces to examine whether the determinants of preference for face gender and race are independent or interactive in young infants. In Expt 1, 3‐month‐old Caucasian infants displayed a preference for female over male faces when the faces were Caucasian, but not when the faces were Asian. In Expt 2, new‐born Caucasian infants did not demonstrate a preference for female over male faces for Caucasian faces. The results are discussed in terms of a face prototype that becomes progressively tuned as it is structured by the interaction of the gender and race of faces that are experienced during early development.