Surviving development

Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development, by Vandana Shiva, London: Zed Press, 1989, 224 pages, hb £27.95, pb £8.95     

Sociopolitical development

This paper examines theories and concepts relevant to sociopolitical development (SPD). As an emerging theory, SPD expands on empowerment and similar ideas related to social change and activism in community psychology—oppression, liberation, critical consciousness, and culture among them. SPD is the process by which individuals acquire the knowledge, analytical skills, emotional faculties, and the capacity for action in political and social systems necessary to interpret and resist oppression. Equally as important is a vision of liberation that is an alternative to oppressive conditions. All of these concepts have been underemphasized in the social change literature of U.S. community psychology. In our view, sociopolitical development is vital to human development and the creation of a just society. As part of identifying and illustrating concepts and processes relevant to SPD theory, we will draw from the words of young African American activists who were interviewed as part of a research study.     

Mental development

An attempt has been made to show how radically object relations theory departs from linear and biological models of development. The mind, it seems, is in a constant state of ebb and flow, moving at times towards development, and on other occasions regressing from it. Development seems to occur only when there are appropriate affective links between the structures of the mind. These links apparently need to be at the love-admiration end of the affective spectrum, so that centripetal forces predominate over centrifugal ones. It is this process of moving from fragmentation to integration, from alienation to responsibleness on the spatial plane, and from hatred to love on the affective plane that we tend to call development.     

Connectionist models of development

How have connectionist models informed the study of development? This paper considers three contributions from specific models. First, connectionist models have proven useful for exploring nonlinear dynamics and emergent properties, and their role in nonlinear developmental trajectories, critical periods and developmental disorders. Second, connectionist models have informed the study of the representations that lead to behavioral dissociations. Third, connectionist models have provided insight into neural mechanisms, and why different brain regions are specialized for different functions. Connectionist and dynamic systems approaches to development have differed, with connectionist approaches focused on learning processes and representations in cognitive tasks, and dynamic systems approaches focused on mathematical characterizations of physical elements of the system and their interactions with the environment. The two approaches also share much in common, such as their emphasis on continuous, nonlinear processes and their broad application to a range of behaviors.     

The development of coordination

My concern in this paper is to provide a framework for analyzing the development of coordinated action systems. By emphasizing the general theme of pattern formation in coordinated action, attention is drawn to dual problems of establishing separable dimensions of action that are in turn combined into higher-order configurations. During development processes of differentiation and integration are combined to make coordinated action possible. The rules by which this is accomplished, however, are still poorly understood. The perspective offered here is that to understand the development of coordinated action it is valuable to seek relative degrees of continuity-discontinuity and change-stability from several complementary perspectives. This avoids unnecessarily simple "unit" concepts of coordinated action, and thereby provides the flexibility necessary to clarify underlying developmental pathways.     

Career development of counsellors

Unlike nursing or social work, counselling is not yet a statutory profession and there is no obvious career progression route. To explore the ways in which graduates of a counselling programme use their training a questionnaire was sent to 143 counselling students who had completed a minimum of Diploma level training. The questionnaires were analysed using both quantitative and qualitative methods. The key findings are that students embark on counselling training for both professional and personal development. The majority find some paid work. Many are engaged in unpaid counselling work, either solely or as well as paid work. Counsellor training is seen as providing good preparation for work but inadequate preparation for the job market. Some recommendations are made for training courses.     

The development of alertness

Two experiments explored variation in the alerting process across age and warning interval as well as the effects of alertness on subsequent processing. Experiment 1 obtained alertness functions for a group of 5-year-olds, 8-year-olds, and adults. Results revealed strong age differences in speed of alerting and in maintenance of alertness over a 1-sec interval. Five-year-olds alerted more slowly than older groups and sustained optimal alertness less well. Both groups of children showed more variability in alerting functions compared with adults. Experiment 2 examined the degree to which age differences in processing speed were attributable to differential speed and maintenance of alerting. Masking functions obtained across variations in the alerting interval revealed that when level of alertness was optimal in both 5-year-olds and adults, minimal age differences in processing speed were observed. During short, nonoptimal alerting intervals, speed of processing in adults was faster than in 5-year-old children. The pattern of results across studies suggested that alertness can fluctuate over time in young children, that level of alertness affects subsequent perceptual processing speed, and that developmental variation in speed and maintenance of alertness can partly explain observed age differences in processing speed. The potential role of alertness in more complex cognitive tasks is discussed.     

The development of cynicism

Two experiments explored the development of cynicism by examining how children evaluate other people who make claims consistent or inconsistent with their self-interests. In Experiment 1, kindergartners, second graders, and fourth graders heard stories with ambiguous conclusions in which characters made statements that were aligned either with or against self-interest. Older children took into account the self-interests of characters in determining how much to believe them: They discounted statements aligned with self-interest, whereas they accepted statements going against self-interest. Experiment 2 examined children's endorsement of three different explanations for potentially self-interested statements: lies, biases, and mistakes. Like adults, sixth graders endorsed lies and bias as plausible explanations for wrong statements aligned with self-interest; younger children did not endorse bias. Implications for the development of cynicism and children's understanding of bias are discussed.     

The development of regret

In two experiments, 4- to 9-year-olds played a game in which they selected one of two boxes to win a prize. On regret trials the unchosen box contained a better prize than the prize children actually won, and on baseline trials the other box contained a prize of the same value. Children rated their feelings about their prize before and after seeing what they could have won if they had chosen the other box and were asked to provide an explanation if their feelings had changed. Patterns of responding suggested that regret was experienced by 6 or 7 years of age; children of this age could also explain why they felt worse in regret trials by referring to the counterfactual situation in which the prize was better. No evidence of regret was found in 4- and 5-year-olds. Additional findings suggested that by 6 or 7 years, children's emotions were determined by a consideration of two different counterfactual scenarios.     

Infant search errors: Stage of concept development or stage of memory development

Memory & Cognition - An 8-to-12-month-old infant, having found an object hidden at a first location (A), will frequently continue to search at the A location when the object is moved, in full...     

Early development of narrative skills

This ethnographic study of 8 African American toddlers and their families focused on the children's productive competence with regard to various types of naturally occurring narrativelike conversation. The notion of the emergence of narrative competence is examined, and a definition is posited which incorporates minimal requirements for child participation within the fundamental essence of narrative structure. Developmental evidence is used to argue for an order of emergence between fictional and temporal event production, which bears on Nelson's Generalized Event Representation (GER) account of cognitive processing. Qualitative interpretations of the quantitatively derived patterns illustrate the merits of combining both approaches in data analysis. Finally, the creation of a socioculturally sensitive account underscores the importance for theory construction of pursuing research from a comparative, cross-cultural perspective.     

The descent of cognitive development

A constructivist theory of the evolution of cognitive development is proposed. Seven propositions are posed plus supporting evidence. Constructing fundamental physical and logicomathematical conceptual universals underlies the development of cognition in primate phylogeny, ontogeny and history. Nevertheless, diverging onset and offset ages, velocity, extent, sequencing and organization mark the evolution of cognitive development in primate phylogeny. Thus, the evolution is heterochronic, not simply recapitulatory. Converging origins followed by diverging development of primates' conceptual constructions insures species‐specific cognitive specializations. Some specializations (e.g. recursive classifying) evolved in great ape development but not in monkey development; while others (e.g. hierarchically integrated classifying) evolved in human development only. Human enculturation and language (symbolic) rearing fosters quantitative but not qualitative progress in most of chimpanzees’ developing cognition. Heterochronic evolution provided humans with the widest and most synchronic ontogenetic window of opportunity for progressive cognitive development. The descendant cognitive development – humans’ precocial, integrated and extended intellectual constructions – bridges the evolution and history of ideas.