易学视域下杜光庭的理身理国思想——以《道德真经广圣义》为中心

本文从易学视域对杜光庭《道德真经广圣义》的理身理国思想做了探讨。杜氏在修心去欲论、撝谦执柔论、施仁修德论、得民悦民论、理国之戒论、无为而治论等理身理国思想中都成功地融入了易学思想。杜氏等道教学者的以《易》解《老》,使我们从特定的侧面得以窥见唐代《易》《老》之学思想会通的事实。不仅如此,他们还通过互释、会通,不断赋予《易》、《老》等传统经典以新的义涵,使其获得了传播发展的无限生命力。     

正文正辞以兴太平——《太平经》文治太平思想浅议

东汉末年,社会动荡不宁,天灾人祸不断,救治太平成为社会普遍愿望。与当时各种救世方案相较,《太平经》从一个独特角度提出了自己的方案正文正辞。本文试图从以下两个方面揭示《太平经》正文正辞以治太平的具体内涵(1)欲治太平,必当随顺天地之格法,而《太平经》即是天地格法的最高代表。故以《太平经》为真文正文而案行之,即可治太平。(2)“身国同治”为《太平经》的一贯思路,在具论“治身”、“治国”的过程中,《太平经》又表现出相当的“文书”崇拜意识。     

道教的政治理论渊源

道教从其诞生之日起,就与政治关系紧密。其政治理论源主要是黄老思想、道家墨家的涉世思想和《太平经>的政治思想。其政治观念的特点主要是“清静无为”、“天人合一”、“身国同治”、“与儒同道”。     

闵一得与道教"医世"思想

医世说系统阐发于请代闵一得所辑《古书隐楼藏书》中,它是明清之际三教合一思潮影响下的产物。医世说的要旨在于“即身以治世宁”,即通过内炼外养,培养真元,先治其身,次治其心,“内则用以治身,外则用以治世。”达到“天都泰安”之人与自然的和谐,“四夷安靖”之社会有序稳定,“闾阎富庶”之民富国强“世治”目的。作者还深入剖析了道教“医世”思想形成的宗教理论基础,指出,道教医世思想反映了道教出世与入世并重的特征,是道教修身济世利人、服务社会之“真精神”的集中体现,有其现代价值和意义。     

试论成玄英的“重玄之道”

自汉初统治者奉行“黄老政治”以后,注释老子《道德经》的著作即纷纷出现。随着道教的出世和玄学思潮的兴起,对《道德经》的注释更日益增多。唐末五代逍士杜光庭在《道德真经广圣义》中,就谈到有西汉至隋唐的六十家。各家注解,各有侧重,通过注释《道德经》表明各自对《道德经》的理解,从而反映出各自的哲学政治观点。其中曹魏时孙登开始“以重玄为宗”,继为道教学者陆续阐发,成为注释《道德经》的重要流派。而论重玄之道的突出代表,则为唐初道士成玄英。     

杜光庭的心境论初探

杜光庭(850～933)是唐末五代时期著名的“道门领袖”,他曾对道教哲学理论、思想源流、修道方法、斋醮科仪、神仙信仰等作过比较系统而全面的总结性研究,由此而成为唐代道教思想的集大成者。杜光庭一生勤奋,学识渊博,著述甚丰。今天的《道藏》中就保留了他的二十多种著作,其中最为重要的就是他依据唐玄宗注疏《道德经》的“圣义”而发挥己解所成的《道德真经广圣义》五十卷。杜光庭在该书中对心与境关系的辩证诠释,为道教倡导修道即为修心提供了理论依据,从而在推进唐宋道教思想的理论转型中起到了重要的作用。如果说,修道即为修心,那么,如何…     

《庄子》与《管子》散论

《庄子》与《管子》之间有着较复杂的关系,它们都以“道”、“气”解释世界和人的存在,把“道”作为价值和意义的根据,但《庄子》更多关注的是个体性的存在,即治身问题,而《管子》则服务于治国之道,把治国与治身相结合。《庄子》对“名”持一种否定的态度,拒斥功名,《管子》不同之处在于把“名”与法术相结合,运用于政治。     

老子的生平、思想和影响简述

据西汉司马迁的《史记》记载,老子姓李,名耳,字聃,楚国苦县历乡曲仁里人。署名西汉刘向著的《列仙传》则说老子字伯阳,陈国人。道教认为,“聃”和“伯阳”都是老子的字。至于其籍贯,或属之陈国,或属之楚国,这两种说法并不冲突,苦县本属陈国,后来陈国为楚国所灭,故苦县又属楚国。关于老子的出生年代,《史记》未载。《列仙传》载老子生于殷时。道教典籍,如唐末杜光庭的《道德真经广圣义》、北宋贾善翔的《犹龙传》、南宋谢守灏的《混元圣纪》都说老子生于殷朝第二十二王武丁九年,岁在庚辰二月十五日卯时。唐朝尊老子为圣祖玄元皇帝,唐玄宗开元…     

浅谈老子"啬"的妙用

“啬 ”,源 于 老 子 《道 德 经 》第 五 十 九 章 “治 人 事 气 、神 ”而 保 养 身 体 。 身 体 得 保 ,命 的 基 础 就 会 永 远天 莫 若 啬 ”中 ,早 在 两 千 多 年 前 的 老 子 ,就 用 如 此 深 稳 固 ;心 无 杂 念 ,     

"三陈九卦"章考释

《易传》以孔子的易学观为指导,吸取《论语》、《孟子》、《左传》、《国语》中的伦理道德观念及其言说方式,提出“三陈九卦”说,对履、谦、复等九卦反复加以论述,将孔子“观其德义”的思想具体化,要求人们提高道德境界,以此作为防止和解除忧患的依据,对儒家人文主义易学观的确立作出了重要贡献。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.