Sexual harassment in the context of double male dominance

It has been suggested that numerically male-dominated workplaces propagate cultural norms that support sexual bravado, sexual posturing, and the denigration of feminine behaviour (Sbraga & O'Donohue, 2000 Sbraga, T. P. and O'Donohue, W. 2000. Sexual harassment. Annual Review of Sex Research, 11: 258–285. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]). These cultural norms are features of normative male dominance, which have been shown to increase the risk of sexual harassment. This implies that the effect of numerical male dominance on sexual harassment may be mediated by the level of normative male dominance in the work environment. The aim of this study was to test this assumption. Our sample consisted of 1295 police women, who filled out an Internet questionnaire. The results suggest that normative male dominance indeed mediates the relation between numerical male dominance and sexual harassment. We add to the sexual harassment literature by building on Gruber's concept of double dominance. Our study helps to make clear why women are at greater risk of sexual harassment in work situations where men outnumber women than in more gender-balanced workplaces.     

Sexual harassment under social identity threat: the computer harassment paradigm

Two laboratory experiments investigated the hypothesis that threat to male identity would increase the likelihood of gender harassment. In both experiments, using the computer harassment paradigm, male university students (N=80 in Experiment 1, N=90 in Experiment 2) were exposed to different types of identity threat (legitimacy threat and threat to group value in Experiment 1 and distinctiveness threat and prototypicality threat in Experiment 2) or to no threat and were then given the opportunity to send pornographic material to a virtual female interaction partner. Results show that (a) participants harassed the female interaction partner more when they were exposed to a legitimacy, distinctiveness, or prototypicality threat than to no threat; (b) this was mainly true for highly identified males; and (c) harassment enhanced postexperimental gender identification. Results are interpreted as supporting a social identity account of gender harassment.     

Sexual harassment of university students

The sexual harassment of junior, senior, and graduate student women and men by male and female professors, graduate assistants, and staff was investigated to determine students' personal experiences in the classroom, outside the classroom, and in job-related settings. Usable survey responses were returned by 393 students, and incidents were detailed by 38 women and 9 men who noted their responses to the harassment and its effects. Attitudes toward and acceptance of sexually harassing behaviors were measured by a 10-item Tolerance for Sexual Harassment Inventory (TSHI). The frequency of initiation of sexual behaviors was also assessed. More women than men reported being sexually harassed. Male and female perceptions of classroom behaviors were in agreement for most items. Men and women differed significantly on the TSHI, with men more tolerant of sexual harassment than women, and highly significant age differences were found, indicating a greater acceptance of sexual harassment by younger students. There was little difference between male and female students in the frequency of their initiating sexual behaviors. The TSHI was assessed; reliability coefficients and a factor analysis are presented.This research was supported by a grant from the College of Arts and Sciences. We are grateful to Betty Jones and Joan Bentley for their secretarial assistance.     

Sexual harassment proclivities in men

Three studies were conducted to develop and validate a measure of sexual harassment proclivities in males. Previous studies of sexual harassment were reviewed and a gap in the current knowledge of the psychological characteristics of sexual harassers was revealed. A possible technique for studying sexual harassment proclivities was suggested by recent research on rape proclivities. Two initial studies using this technique found (1) that the likelihood of sexually harassing can be reliably measured and 2) that this measure correlated with related attitude and belief measures. The third study demonstrated that the likelihood of sexual harassment measure can predict sexual behaviors in a laboratory setting.The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of the following people in conducting this research: Mark Chalabala, Mark Colon, Kathy Epkins, Lisa Fix, Dawn Henricksen, Jackie Hind, Carla McPhee, Pat Norman, Rene Reeves, Judona Samuel, and Kevin Spahn. Also, gratitude is expressed to Mark McDaniel for his contributions to the methodology in Study 3 and to Hannah Eisner for her comments on a previous draft of this paper. This research was supported in part by a grant from the office of Research, Services and Grants, Illinois State University.     

Sexual harassment of university faculty by colleagues and students

The focus of this research was on faculty members as victims of sexual harassment by colleagues (peer harassment) and students (contrapower harassment). A self-administered, mailed questionnaire was sent to a probability sample of faculty at a large, public Midwestern university and to the whole population of faculty at a small, public institution in the Western Mountain region. Several hypotheses were made based on conflict theory, role theory, and previous research. Results indicated that women faculty generally have more negative attitudes toward and broader definitions of sexual harassment than do male faculty. Moderate levels of sexual harassment of faculty by both colleagues and students were reported; minor and anonymous (course evaluations and obscene phone calls) forms were the most common. Female faculty were more likely to report harassment by colleagues; male faculty were more likely to report some potentially harassing behaviors by students. Incidents of sexual harassment were usually not reported to formal agents of social control.This research was funded, in part, through the Small Grant Program of the Office of Research and Sponsored Activities, Illinois State University. The author would like to thank Krista Moore for her assistance in data collection at the Colorado site, Nancy Uphoff for her assistance with the library research, Robyn Leech and Ann Marie Woods for coding and data entry, and Elizabeth Grauerholz and Susan Specher for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper.     

Perceptions of sexual harassment in an academic context

This study assessed the influence of two subject variables, gender and gender role, and one contextual variable, power of the harasser, on perceptions of sexual harassment in an academic context. Fifty-one white males and 73 white females evaluated a series of vignettes depicting a range of behavioral interactions. When the harasser was a higher power individual, vignettes were more likely to be viewed as examples of sexual harassment, male characters were perceived more negatively, and female characters were perceived more favorably. Female respondents rated the male characters less favorably than did the male respondents, although there were no gender differences in the number of vignettes interpreted as sexual harassment. Subtle differences in the way males and females interpret harassment behaviors are examined and discussed.Portions of this paper were presented at the meeting of the Eastern Psychological Association, Boston, Massachusetts, April 1992.     

Sexual harassment in universities during the 1980s

This review examines research studies since 1980 that investigate instructor-student sexual harassment in university settings. Implications are discussed.     

Coping in context: sociocultural determinants of responses to sexual harassment

The authors investigated coping responses to sexual harassment across 4 samples of working women from 3 cultures and 2 occupational classes. Complete-link cluster analyses provide preliminary support for D. E. Knapp, R. H. Faley, S. E. Ekeberg, and C. L. Z. Dubois's (1997) coping framework, suggesting that avoidance, denial, negotiation, advocacy seeking, and social coping are universal responses to sexual harassment. Further, L. F. Fitzgerald's (1990) internal-external dichotomy appears to capture higher order relationships among coping responses. In addition, regression analyses suggest that Turkish and Hispanic American women engage in more avoidance than Anglo American women, and Hispanic women also use more denial but less advocacy seeking. No differences emerged in social coping. The authors discuss these results in the context of coping theory, individualism-collectivism, power distance, and patriarchal gender norms.     

Sexual harassment experiences and equal opportunity perceptions of Navy women

In 1989, the Navy began tracking the sexual harassment rates among its officer and enlisted personnel by administering the Navy Equal Opportunity Sexual Harassment (NEOSH) Survey on a biennial basis. While previous reports on the results of the NEOSH Survey have discussed the occurrence, frequency, and effects of sexual harassment in the Navy [A. L. Culbertson, P. Rosenfeld, and C. E. Newell (1993) Sexual Harassment in the Active-Duty Navy: Findings from the Navy-Wide Survey (TR-94-2), San Diego, CA: Navy Personnel Research and Development Center], this study examines whether victims of sexual harassment differ in their perceptions of equal opportunity (EO) climate from those who have not been harassed. Data from the 1991 NEOSH Survey were reanalyzed. Sixty-seven percent of the women officers were White, 25% African-American, and 18% Hispanic. Of the women enlisted, 52% were White, 31% African-American, and 18% Hispanic. The results indicated that women who were sexually harassed perceived that there was less EO in the Navy than women who had not been harassed. This was true for both officer and enlisted personnel. In addition, specific organizational consequences of sexual harassment were identified.The opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors, are not official and do not necessarily represent the views of the Navy Department.     

Sexual harassment and social justice: reflections on the distance yet to go

Despite progress, protections remain inadequate for victims who bring legal claims of sexual harassment. The process for damages determination frequently increases harm and undercuts the policy initiatives enshrined in Title VII. The author critiques this process, focusing on misuse of psychological examinations and failure of the federal "rape shield" law to adequately protect plaintiffs. The author suggests possible reforms, including removing caps on Title VII damages, minimum awards (i.e., liquidated damages) upon proof of liability, and strategies for educating juries on the harms of harassment that do not exacerbate them, and concludes with a call for professional guidelines for conducting forensic evaluations in sexual harassment cases, thus advancing the policy goal of combating discrimination by encouraging victims to come forward.     

Organizational Costs of Sexual Harassment

Working women were surveyed regarding their probable initial reactions to different forms of sexual harassment. Many indicated they would either quit their jobs or report sexual harassment to external authorities. Discusses organizational costs of sexual harassment, ways of preventing such costs, and implications for employment counselors.     

Sexual harassment expanded: An examination of the relationships among sexual harassment,sex discrimination,and aggression in the workplace

We hypothesized that sexual harassment is part of a broader behavioral family including aggression and discrimination. We examined whether the relationships between these types of mistreatment can be represented well by a general factor that relates to other workplace variables. Evidence from military datasets showed that sexual harassment, sex discrimination, and workplace aggression can be conceptualized as a more general factor that functioned well in an integrated model of sexual harassment and was experienced differently by men and women. Thus, there is utility in examining these types of mistreatment both together and independently, both for research and prevention purposes.     

Organizational Resources for Addressing Sexual Harassment

The author acknowledges the difficulties in arriving at a definition of sexual harassment. Employing a definition that has become commonplace, she distinguishes between quid pro quo and hostile environment harassment. The obligations of organizations are outlined and attention is given to the development of appropriate policies and procedures. The effect of the organization's climate on institutional responsiveness to this issue is discussed, and pertinent educational and training interventions are provided.     

Organizational context,sponsorship and policy research output

Over the last several decades a significant capacity to produce policy research has been institutionalized across government and academe and around their borders. Diverse organizational settings and sponsors yield a wide array of forms of policy research and analysis. Yet little is known about the influence of organizational context and sponsorship on research output. Implications for knowledge accumulation and the use of research in policy-making also are uncertain. In this study a random sample of 1,291 cases of policy research and analysis from 1975–1990 and the organizational conditions surrounding their production is described. Log linear analysis suggests that organization and sponsorship are directly related to the type and breadth of research performed. A considerable range of two-way interactions link specific producer and sponsor types to characteristics of research output. He is the author ofThe Impact of Policy Analysis (University of Pittsburgh Press) and assorted journal articles.     

The Role of Organizational Leaders in Sexual Orientation Equality at Organizational and Federal Levels

Purpose

This article expands the discourse of the impact of the passage of the Civil Rights Act (CRA) of 1964 to sexual orientation minorities (SOM).

Design/Methodology/Approach

We first discuss the challenges faced by SOM in the workplace. We then present a model adapted from Edelman’s “Handbook of employment discrimination research (pp. 337–352). Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer (2005)” theory of endogeneity of law to discuss the impact that such leaders and their supportive organizational SOM policies can have on the passage of nationwide SOM legislation. Finally, we discuss how organizational leaders’ beliefs and actions can play a major role in affecting organizational SOM policies.

Findings

We argue that the presence of organizational protective policies can facilitate the passage of federal SOM legislation by establishing and legitimizing social norms. We also highlight how beliefs about religion, morality, controllability, and occupational stereotypes contribute to prejudice and lack of support for SOM-protective organizational policies.

Implications

We discuss the importance that organizational SOM policies have on larger societal legislative issues, and outline how specific individual-level beliefs can impact organizational-level support for SOM.

Originality/Value

We take a novel approach by focusing on what organizational leaders can do to enact SOM policies that may further influence protective laws. We also draw upon neo-institutional theory to show specifically how organizations can affect legislation; a topic often ignored in organizational psychology.