社群主义者对自由主义的批判

学术界的热门话题都非常短命,这和流行音乐、大众艺术以及时装中的热点颇有异曲同工之处。但也有一些热门问题会有规律地重复出现。就像皱巴巴的裤子或者短衬衣,经常成为流行时尚,也就是说,成为穿衣打扮的一种模式。它们生命短暂但却周而复始。当然,裤子不会永远皱巴巴的,衬衣也不会永远是短款。循环是常态。     

John Gray's Pluralist Critique of Liberalism

John Gray claims that 'value pluralism', or the plurality and incommensurability of basic values, undermines any attempt to make a reasoned case for the superiority of liberalism (or any other ideology) over its rivals. Incommensurable values, he says, cannot be subjected to a rational ranking, except in particular cases, yet liberalism appears to advocate the promotion of certain values rather than others in general terms. I argue that Gray's critique has force against some traditional justifications of liberal politics, but that he exaggerates its reach against other, more recent forms of liberal theory. In particular, Gray's view of liberalism as merely one form of life among others, with no rational claims to precedence, rests on a mistaken understanding of the implications of value pluralism. The incommensurability of values does not imply the absolute incommensurability of forms of life, such as those of liberal and non-liberal cultures. Far from being incompatible with the reasoned advocacy of liberalism, value pluralism may itself provide liberalism with a rational grounding.     

施蒂纳形而上学批判的内在冲突与现代性视域中的个体生存——从马克思对施蒂纳反批判的角度看

施蒂纳形而上学批判的立脚点是"唯一者",直接目标是费尔巴哈的"类本质",但是施蒂纳在成功驳倒费尔巴哈的同时却陷入不可避免的内在冲突中。一方面施蒂纳肯定"唯一者"是现实的个人,用独一无二的"独自性"来对抗整个近代形而上学普遍性对人的压迫;另一方面,一个任何普遍性和社会性维度制约的"唯一者"只能是一个幽灵和怪影。马克思经过施蒂纳对费尔巴哈哲学批判的洗礼,清楚地看到施蒂纳学说的致命弱点同时也不得不重新调整对费尔巴哈哲学的定位,从而从根基上澄清了青年黑格尔派哲学的共同基础乃是人类的现实生活本身,同时强调了人的社会性维度。但是现实历史发展表明,施蒂纳强调的个体性生存和马克思重视的社会性维度在现代视域中都不可能完全支撑现代性对人的挑战,而个体性和社会性的中间性求解将成为现代性视域中的大趋势。     

在现代性与民族性之间:张君劢的自由民族主义思想

20世纪是自由主义高奏凯歌的世纪 ,也是民族主义大行其道的世纪。民族主义无论在世界上还是在中国 ,都是一个颇有争议的意识形态。它是一把双刃剑 ,既有可能与自由主义相结合 ,像在美国和法国革命中那样 ,赋予自由主义和民主主义以民族国家的形式 ;也有可能与各种专制的威权主义或反西方的保守主义相联系 ,成为其政治合法性的借口。民族主义作为现代性的内在要求 ,不是一个要与不要的问题 ,关键在于如何将之与自由主义的政治理念相结合。民族主义与自由主义的结合 ,不仅需要历史的实证 ,也需要学理上的理据。自由主义与民族主义 ,一个以个人…     

析罗尔斯对马克思批判自由主义的回应

如罗尔斯所说,他的正义理论已经回应并吸收了马克思对古典自由主义的批判.他站在自由主义的立场上,较好地解决了古典自由主义的利己主义特性和私有财产权作为基本权利的缺陷;但在历史唯物主义的视野下,他依然未能克服自由主义所固有的缺陷.     

Meta-Analysis of Pragmatic and Theoretical Research: A Critique

Meta-analysis refers to a set of statistical procedures used to summarize and integrate many empirical studies that focus on one issue. This numerical method of integrating research findings is said to be superior to the narrative type of reviews because it is more objective, reliable, and rigorous. Moreover, the meta-analytic approach is supposedly capable of resolving research controversies, strengthening empirical hypotheses, and discovering new relationships among variables. In this study, these claims are examined and found to be wanting. Some objections to the use of meta-analysis as a means of substantiating theoretical assertions are raised with reference to the rationale of experimentation and to how knowledge evolves. It is concluded that it is inappropriate to apply meta-analysis to integrate theoretical research.     

现代性与后现代性辩证法的重建——论韦尔默对哈贝马斯现代性理论的内在批判

韦尔默是批判理论第二代的重要代表,他的思想沿续了哈贝马斯理论的交往转向。但是,相对于哈贝马斯对后现代主义的总体否定立场,韦尔默认为,后现代性是现代性自身发展的结果,后现代主义是现代主义的内在批判和彻底化。现代性与后现代性之间不是简单对立关系,而是相互依赖和相互交织的辩证关系。本文试图通过阐述韦尔默的现代性和后现代性辩证法的重建逻辑,探讨韦尔默思想与哈贝马斯思想之间的内在批判,这种内在批判关系可以通过意义和真理、民主与政治关系的重新理解来展开。     

论非道德主义的政治伦理--马克思对政治现代性的批判与超越

一 在马克思之前,对政治的批判大多是基于道德主义立场进行的.所谓道德主义立场即是指诉诸于抽象的人性原则,以超历史语境的伦理或道德尺度来对现实的、历史中的政治、政治制度进行外在的道德判断与伦理评价.这种以人性设定为价值基石,以完美政治生活为终极目标的政治思维与道德主义的原则,自古希腊的美德伦理政治化、中世纪的神性伦理政治化以来,虽然遭到了马基雅维利和霍布斯的反对,但一直或强或弱地影响、甚至支配着近代以来的政治学家、政治哲学家和伦理学家们,成为一种巨大的伦理思维传统,乃至到了空想社会主义者那里,依然如斯.     

现代性语境下公共性问题的哲学批判

对现代性语境下公共性问题进行哲学批判必须满足两个要求:一是对公共性为何发生和如何发生进行前提考察和过程分析,这是我们立足于公共性角度对现代性进行辩护的理论依据;二是对现代性语境下作为问题出现的公共性进行价值判断、找出社会根据,并就公共性的重建问题给出可能的解决     

Autonomy, Liberalism, and Anti-Perfectionism

John Christman has recently objected to substantive conceptions of autonomy on the grounds that they introduce unwanted perfectionism into political thinking. I defend substantive conceptions of autonomy against Christman’s critique on two fronts. First, I defend substantive conceptions of autonomy against the charge that their utilisation in political theory would result in the inappropriate exclusion from democratic respect of individuals in oppressive relations. Second, I defend substantive conceptions of autonomy from the charge that they fail the ‘endorsement constraint’, i.e. that incorporating a substantive conception of autonomy into the concept of the person at the heart of a political theory would be alienating for citizens.     

Liberalism,nationality and education

Yael Tamir's (1993) book Liberal Nationalism seeks to show that liberalism and nationalism are not incompatible political philosophies. Nationalism need not take the closed, authoritarian form it has so often taken; and liberalism is premised on certain national ideas, including national self-determination. This critical discussion of her account is broadly sympathetic to the compatibility thesis, but takes issue both with her notion of nationalism, with her account of a nation as a self-conscious cultural community, and with the sharp line she draws between civic and cultural concerns. Although her book does not deal with education, this paper concludes with remarks about what the role of nationality should be in education, in both a Tamirian and a non-Tamirian framework. The latter is applied to education in Britain.This paper takes the form of a discussion of some leading themes in Yael Tamir's (1993) book Liberal Nationalism and of their bearing on educational policy.     

Liberalism,Communitarianism and the Project of Self

Abstract

In this article the authors seek to conceptualize a dynamic and inclusive understanding of personal identity within multicultural democracies such as South Africa, which will draw on both the liberal and communitarian traditions’ respect for the project of self. A preliminary layout for such a project emerges from a literature survey of recent, primarily South African publications on identity and culture, and it suggests that selfhood depends on: a) virtues, cultivated within cooperative communities which allow for effective freedom; b) a venture into existential uncertainty, which alleviates that fear of loss of identity that is supposedly central to many multicultural conflicts; c) the hermeneutic construction of identity through narratives that allow for a plurality of voices; and d) the creative transcending and re-interpretation of values and traditions. The authors contend that such an understanding of identity goes some way towards addressing the question of the way that diverse personal and group identities are to be accommodated in South Africa’s multicultural democracy, and to rethinking the unity which underlies diversity without resorting to liberalism’s reduction of personal identity to rational autonomy.     

Liberalism, Fundamentalism and Truth

abstract   One way in which we may be tempted to understand the distinction we make in practice between liberals and fundamentalists is via the issue of truth. Liberals are generally more sceptical about truth while fundamentalists tend to be more objectivist, believing not only that objective truth exists but also that they know it. I call this interpretation the 'truth interpretation'. In this paper I attempt to undermine the 'truth interpretation' by showing that it does not map on adequately to the sorts of distinctions that we actually make in practice. We will see that thinking that the distinction between liberals and fundamentalists revolves around the philosophical issue of truth, such that the 'good guys' are sceptics and the 'bad guys' objectivists, fails to connect with our practical distinctions. The second half of the paper then addresses the question of what role, if any, truth does play in distinguishing between liberals and fundamentalists, arguing that if truth does play a role we should see it as a very narrow and political, rather, than philosophical one.