Syntactic loss versus processing deficit: an assessment of two theories of agrammatism and syntactic comprehension deficits

This research evaluated Grodzinsky's (1984, 1986a) syntactic loss and Kolk and van Grunsven's (1985) working memory impairment explanations of syntactic comprehension deficits in agrammatic aphasics. Four aphasic patients were evaluated who showed different patterns of impairment on morphological and structural aspects of production. The comprehension tasks compared performance on full and truncated passive sentences. The syntactic loss hypothesis predicted worse performance on truncated than full passives, while the working memory deficit hypothesis predicted the reverse. Neither hypothesis was supported, as the patients performed at a similar level on both types of passives. In addition, there was little relation between the patients' production indices and their comprehension level. The results argue against any global theory of agrammatism that attempts to attribute all agrammatic speech and co-occurring syntactic comprehension deficits to the same source.     

Patterns of comprehension performance in agrammatic Broca's aphasia: a test of the Trace Deletion Hypothesis

We tested the core prediction of the Trace Deletion Hypothesis (TDH) of agrammatic Broca's aphasia, which contends that such patients' comprehension performance is normal for active reversible sentences but at chance level for passive reversible sentences. We analyzed the comprehension performance of 38 Italian Broca's aphasics with verified damage to Broca's area, who completed sentence-to-picture matching tasks using active and passive reversible sentences as stimuli. The results failed to confirm the predictions made by TDH: only a small minority (15%) performed at chance on passive sentences and better than chance on active sentences. Furthermore, the distribution of the 38 subjects' performance on passive sentences differed from that predicted by the TDH since many more subjects performed at better-than-chance levels than expected. We discuss the implication of these results for claims about the distribution of language processing mechanisms in the brain.     

Kicking over the traces: A note in response to Zurif and Piñango (1999)

Zurif and Pi?ango (1999) claimed that they excluded the four agrammatic patients reported by Druks and Marshall (1991) from their review article because two of the patients were nonnative speakers of Hebrew and because the Hebrew sentences we used in our investigations were ungrammatical. In Druks and Marshall (1991) we have shown that the presence or the absence of a trace in two types of Hebrew passives had no effect on the patients' performance. Two patients, without comprehension deficits, performed equally well on both types of passives and two patients, with comprehension deficits, were equally impaired on both types. We remind Zurif and Pi?ango of our previous response to the claims of ungrammaticality of our materials (Druks & Marshall, 1992) and argue that there were no justifiable reasons for excluding these cases from the review. We also comment on Zurif and Pi?ango's (1999) and Grodzinsky's (2000) new proposal that the association of agrammatic comprehension should be with Broca's aphasia and not with agrammatism.     

Kicking over the Traces: A Note in Response to Zurif and Piñango (1999)

Zurif and Piñango (1999) claimed that they excluded the four agrammatic patients reported by Druks and Marshall (1991) from their review article because two of the patients were nonnative speakers of Hebrew and because the Hebrew sentences we used in our investigations were ungrammatical. In Druks and Marshall (1991) we have shown that the presence or the absence of a trace in two types of Hebrew passives had no effect on the patients' performance. Two patients, without comprehension deficits, performed equally well on both types of passives and two patients, with comprehension deficits, were equally impaired on both types. We remind Zurif and Piñango of our previous response to the claims of ungrammaticality of our materials (Druks & Marshall, 1992) and argue that there were no justifiable reasons for excluding these cases from the review. We also comment on Zurif and Piñango's (1999) and Grodzinsky's (2000) new proposal that the association of agrammatic comprehension should be with Broca's aphasia and not with agrammatism.     

Verb processing during sentence comprehension in aphasia

This study examines verb processing during on-line sentence comprehension in aphasia. We describe two experiments that explore whether a group of Broca's aphasics, who were agrammatic in comprehension as well as speech, a group of fluent aphasics, and a group of normal controls are sensitive to the argument structure arrangements of verbs. Subjects had to perform a complex secondary task both in the immediate vicinity of the verb and also at a point well past the verb while listening to sentences for meaning. Reaction times to this secondary task show that both normal controls and agrammatic Broca's aphasic subjects activate multiple argument structure possibilities for a verb in the vicinity of the verb, yet at a point downstream from the verb such effects disappear. These data suggest that the problems agrammatic subjects show with verbs in sentence comprehension, and the general lexical access deficit also recently claimed to be part of the agrammatics' problem, may not extend to the real-time processing of verbs and their arguments. Fluent aphasic subjects, on the other hand, do not show sensitivity to the argument structure properties of verbs, suggesting that these patients may have a semantic-like sentence processing deficit.     

The role of intonation cues in aphasic patients' performance of the grammaticality judgment task

This study investigated the possibility that the reported success of agrammatic aphasic patients in performing auditory grammaticality judgments results from their use of intonational cues to sentence well-formedness. Two agrammatic aphasics, two anomic aphasics, and two nonagrammatic patients with comprehension deficits for semantically reversible sentences were asked to judge grammatical well-formedness in three conditions. Results in a "natural" listening condition replicated the finding of M.C. Linebarger, M.F. Schwartz, and E. M. Saffran (1983, Cognition, 13, 361-392) that agrammatic patients are sensitive to grammaticality despite poor ability to use syntatic cues in comprehension tasks. Two additional listening conditions employed signal-processed auditory stimuli in which the fundamental frequency was normal or was set at a constant level. Right-hemisphere-damaged and normal controls showed no performance deficit for judgments of monotone sentences. The aphasic patients' performance was slightly worse for both signal-processed conditions, but there was little apparent effect of removing sentence intonation on their ability to judge sentence grammaticality. These results indicate that the high levels of performance on grammaticality judgement tasks have not resulted from patients' detection of intonational cues in ungrammatical sentences.     

Real-time comprehension of wh- movement in aphasia: evidence from eyetracking while listening

Sentences with non-canonical wh- movement are often difficult for individuals with agrammatic Broca's aphasia to understand (, inter alia). However, the explanation of this difficulty remains controversial, and little is known about how individuals with aphasia try to understand such sentences in real time. This study uses an eyetracking while listening paradigm to examine agrammatic aphasic individuals' on-line comprehension of movement sentences. Participants' eye-movements were monitored while they listened to brief stories and looked at visual displays depicting elements mentioned in the stories. The stories were followed by comprehension probes involving wh- movement. In line with previous results for young normal listeners [Sussman, R. S., & Sedivy, J. C. (2003). The time-course of processing syntactic dependencies: evidence from eye movements. Language and Cognitive Processes, 18, 143-161], the study finds that both older unimpaired control participants (n=8) and aphasic individuals (n=12) showed visual evidence of successful automatic comprehension of wh- questions (like "Who did the boy kiss that day at school?"). Specifically, both groups fixated on a picture corresponding to the moved element ("who," the person kissed in the story) at the position of the verb. Interestingly, aphasic participants showed qualitatively different fixation patterns for trials eliciting correct and incorrect responses. Aphasic individuals looked first to the moved-element picture and then to a competitor following the verb in the incorrect trials. However, they only showed looks to the moved-element picture for the correct trials, parallel to control participants. Furthermore, aphasic individuals' fixations during movement sentences were just as fast as control participants' fixations. These results are unexpected under slowed-processing accounts of aphasic comprehension deficits, in which the source of failed comprehension should be delayed application of the same processing routines used in successful comprehension. This pattern is also unexpected if aphasic individuals are using qualitatively different strategies than normals to comprehend such sentences, as under impaired-representation accounts of agrammatism. Instead, it suggests that agrammatic aphasic individuals may process wh- questions similarly to unimpaired individuals, but that this process often fails to facilitate off-line comprehension of sentences with wh- movement.     

Training agrammatic subjects on passive sentences: implications for syntactic deficit theories

We trained two subjects with chronic agrammatic aphasia on production of passive sentences using a computerized, iconic-based communication system. After training, one of the subjects demonstrated significant improvements in his abilities to comprehend and verbally produce English passive voiced sentences, including sentences with conjoined subjects and objects. These results suggest that agrammatism does not represent a fixed syntactic deficit.     

Double-Agents and Trace-Deletion in Agrammatism

The Trace-Deletion Hypothesis (henceforth TDH; Grodzinsky 1986, 1995) states that syntactic traces are deleted in agrammatism and that whenever a trace is deleted, a default strategy is activated. The default strategy assigns the role of Agent to the first NP. In structures where a second NP receives the Agent role syntactically, the consequence is that the agrammatic representation contains two conflicting Agents for the same action. This is the mechanism that induces guessing and the random performance on comprehension tests that has often been observed for passives and certain other structures. In this paper, we isolate the default strategy of the TDH, using a sentence-picture matching task in which one of the pictures matches the meaning arrived at by the default strategy. Our results show that an agrammatic representation does not involve double-Agents, and thus the default strategy (and therefore the TDH) is refuted.     

Sensitivity to grammatical structure in so-called agrammatic aphasics

Comprehension failures in agrammatic aphasics, as well as their difficulties in sentence construction, have been attributed to an underlying deficit involving the retrieval of syntactic structure. In this study we show that four agrammatic patients display a remarkable sensitivity to structural information, as indicated by their performance on a grammaticality judgment task. These results indicate significant sparing of syntactic knowledge in agrammatism, and suggest that the sentence comprehension disturbances in these patients do not reflect loss of the capacity to recover syntactic structure. In particular, accounts of the comprehension deficit in agrammatism that implicate a failure to exploit information carried by the closed class (function word) vocabulary are called seriously into question. Alternative explanations of the comprehension problem in agrammatism are explored.     

Does morphology make the difference? Agrammatic sentence comprehension in German

This study examines the syntactic comprehension of seven German agrammatic speakers. The German language allows the study of the interaction of syntactic principles and morphological devices in the comprehension process. In addition, due to its relatively free word order, German allows the study of strictly minimal pairs of canonical and non-canonical sentences in addition to the rather controversial active-passive contrast. A central research question was whether the pattern of agrammatic comprehension predicted by the trace deletion hypothesis (TDH, Grodzinsky, 1990, 1995), relatively normal comprehension performance of canonical sentences and chance performance on non-canonical sentences, can be found in a language with richer morphology than English. The generalisability of the TDH-pattern to morphologically rich languages is not obvious, given that case morphology in particular can provide explicit cues to the detection of the agent and patient roles in a sentence. The results of this study indicate that morphology does not make a difference. Furthermore, the group results are in line with the TDH-predictions only for number marked sentences but not for case marked sentences. However, single case analysis reveals different patterns of syntactic comprehension in agrammatic patients, a spectrum that encompasses near-normal comprehension of canonical and non-canonical sentences, overall chance performance, and TDH-like profiles.     

Comprehension of sentences with stylistic inversion by French aphasic patients

Three French-speaking agrammatic aphasics and three French-speaking Conduction aphasics were tested for comprehension of Active, Passive, Cleft-Subject, Cleft-Object, and Cleft-Object sentences with Stylistic Inversion using an object manipulation test. The agrammatic patients consistently reversed thematic roles in the latter sentence type, and the Conduction aphasics performed at chance. The results are discussed in relationship to existing models of aphasic impairments in assigning syntactic structures and using them to determine thematic roles in sentences. We conclude that the results for the agrammatic patients demonstrate the importance of compensatory mechanisms underlying aphasic comprehension and the results in the Conduction aphasics indicate the importance of working memory deficits in determining such deficits. The results are also relevant to models of normal syntactic structure.     

Pronominal Resolution and Gap Filling in Agrammatic Aphasia: Evidence from Eye Movements

This paper reports the results of three studies examining comprehension and real-time processing of pronominal (Experiment 1) and Wh-movement (Experiments 2 and 3) structures in agrammatic and unimpaired speakers using eyetracking. We asked the following questions: (a) Is off-line comprehension of these constructions impaired in agrammatic listeners?, (b) Do agrammatic, like unimpaired, listeners show eye movement patterns indicative of automatic pronominal reference resolution and/or gap-filling?, and (c) Do eyetracking patterns differ when sentences are correctly versus incorrectly interpreted, or do automatic processes prevail in spite of comprehension failure? Results showed that off-line comprehension of both pronoun and Wh-movement structures was impaired in our agrammatic cohort. However, the aphasic participants showed visual evidence of real-time reference resolution as they processed binding structures, including both pronouns and reflexives, as did our unimpaired control participants. Similarly, both the patients and the control participants showed patterns consistent with successful gap filling during processing of Wh-movement structures. For neither pronominal nor movement structures did we find evidence of delayed processing. Notably, these patterns were found for the aphasic participants even when they incorrectly interpreted target sentences, with the exception of object relative constructions. For incorrectly interpreted sentences, we found end of sentence lexical competition effects. These findings indicate that aberrant lexical integration, rather than representational deficits or generally slowed processing, may underlie agrammatic aphasic listener’s comprehension failure.     

Contextual influences in reading comprehension in aphasia.

Aphasic subjects' auditory comprehension of reversible passive sentences is facilitated by preceding predictive and nonpredictive narratives (Hough, Pierce, & Cannito, 1989, Brain and Language, 36, 325-334). The present study found that aphasic subjects also comprehended written reversible passive sentences significantly more accurately when they were preceded by either predictive or nonpredictive five-sentence narratives than when they were presented in isolation. Also tested was the contention that predictive narratives do not improve aphasic subjects' ability to process target sentences but simply allow these sentences to be ignored. This contention was not supported. The aphasic subjects did not comprehend predictive narratives presented without the subsequent target sentences more accurately than they comprehended the target sentences presented in isolation. For comprehension to be enhanced, both the contextual narratives and the target sentences must be present.     

Agrammatic aphasic subjects' comprehension of subject and object extracted Wh questions

This study attempted to replicate the unusual wh question comprehension pattern of Hickok and Avrutin's (1996) subjects who showed an expected subject/object extraction asymmetry for which NP questions, but not for who questions. We also examined comprehension of what and which one questions, which are similar to who and which NP questions, respectively, and we examined passivized wh questions in order to test predictions of Grodzinsky's (1995) restrictive theory of trace deletion, the Trace-Based Account (TBA). Results, using both a figurine manipulation task and a picture pointing task, showed that only one of four agrammatic (Broca's) aphasic subjects showed the pattern reported by Hickok and Avrutin and that this pattern extended to comprehension of what and which one questions. One of the subjects showed subject/object asymmetry for all wh questions tested, as would be predicted by the original trace deletion hypothesis (Grodzinsky, 1984), and two subjects showed neither pattern. None of our subjects demonstrated ability to comprehend passivized wh questions as predicted by the TBA. We discuss our findings in terms of the lack of homogeneity of wh question comprehension among individuals with agrammatic aphasia and we explore alternatives to the syntactic explanation for differences between who and which NP question comprehension advanced by Hickok and Avrutin.     

On-line syntactic processing in aphasia: studies with auditory moving window presentation

Twenty-eight aphasic patients with left hemisphere strokes and matched control subjects were tested on an auditory moving windows task in which successive phrases of a sentence were presented in response to subjects' self-paced button presses and subjects made timed judgments regarding the plausibility of each sentence. Pairs of sentences were presented that differed in syntactic complexity. Patients made more errors and/or took longer in making the plausibility judgments than controls, and were more affected than controls by the syntactic complexity of a sentence in these judgments. Normal subjects showed effects of syntactic structure in self-paced listening. On-line syntactic effects differed in patients as a function of their comprehension level. High-performing patients showed the same effects as normal control subjects; low performing patients did not show the same effects of syntactic structure. On-line syntactic effects also differed in patients as a function of their clinical diagnosis. Broca's aphasic patients' on-line performances suggested that they were not processing complex syntactic structures on-line, while fluent aphasics' performances suggested that their comprehension impairment occurred after on-line processing was accomplished. The results indicate that many aphasic patients retain their ability to process syntactic structure on-line, and that different groups of patients with syntactic comprehension disorders show different patterns of on-line syntactic processing.     

Squaring the round: An unusual progressive graphomotor impairment with post‐mortem findings

Investigations of neurodegenerative disorders may reveal functional relationships in the cognitive system. C.S. was a 63‐year‐old right‐handed man with post‐mortem confirmed Pick's disease with a range of progressive impairments including non‐fluent aphasia, speech, limb, oculomotor, and buccofacial apraxia, but mostly intact intelligence, perception, orientation, memory, semantics, and phonology. During progression, agrammatism in writing with impairments in syntactic comprehension emerged in parallel with an unusual graphomotor deficit in drawing and writing, with an increasing deterioration of graphic short‐term memory. We investigated C.S.'s graphomotor deficit longitudinally using tests of writing and drawing on letters, words, and sentences and drawing to command and copying. We also tested C.S.'s short‐term graphemic buffer experimentally. Analysis showed deficits on selective aspects of graphomotor implementation of writing and drawing, mainly affecting the production of circles and curves, but not short straight lines in drawing and writing, and graphomotor short‐term memory, which paralleled impairments of written syntax and syntactic comprehension. We believe this to be the first detailed analysis of such an unusual progressive impairment in graphomotor production, which may be related to problems with agrammatic agraphia and impairments affecting shared components of cognition reflecting damage to shared neural networks. Alternatively, they may simply reflect the effects of coincidental damage to separate mechanisms responsible for aspects of writing, drawing, and syntactic processing. Longitudinal investigations of emerging deficits in progressive conditions like C.S.'s provides an opportunity to examine the progressive emergence of symptoms in an individual with multiple progressive impairments as they appear and examine putative relationships between them.     

The linguistic interpretation of aphasic syndromes: Agrammatism in Broca's aphasia,an example

One of the most striking characteristics typical of the speech of Broca's aphasics is its agrammatism — the omission of ‘function’ words and inflectional morphemes. Agrammatism is generally viewed as being symptomatic of a syntactic deficit. We argue here that such an account lacks grammatical systematicity, and that the only uniform and systematic interpretation of this deficit is in terms of phonological structure. A natural class consisting of ‘function’ words and some bound morphemes can be defined with reference to the junctural properties of sentences which characterize phonological words. It is this class of elements which tend to be omitted in agrammatic speech. The goal of this paper is not only to provide an hypothesis for the interpretation of one aphasic syndrome, but also to test and illustrate the efficacy of paying close attention to substantive universals of grammatical structure in proposing accounts of linguistic deficits.     

Asyntactic thematic role assignment by Mandarin aphasics: a test of the Trace-Deletion Hypothesis and the Double Dependency Hypothesis

This study examines the comprehension patterns of various sentence types by Mandarin-speaking aphasic patients and evaluates the validity of the predictions from the Trace-Deletion Hypothesis (TDH) and the Double Dependency Hypothesis (DDH). Like English, the canonical word order in Mandarin is SVO, but the two languages differ in that the head noun precedes the relative clause in English, but it follows the relative clause in Chinese. According to the Default Principle as stated in the TDH, the word order discrepancy will make subject relative clauses more difficult to comprehend for Mandarin agrammatics than object relative clauses, but the DDH predicts that agrammatic patients from the two languages have the same pattern of selective deficits. The results of this study support the prediction of the TDH.     

Syntactic and semantic contributions to sentence comprehension in agrammatism

Five aphasic subjects, who demonstrated agrammatic speech, and eight control subjects were presented with a sentence-picture matching task in which the factors of syntactic complexity, semantic reversibility, and sentence plausibility were independently varied. A subset of the sentences was patterned after that presented by A. Caramazza and E. Zurif (1976, Brain and Language, 5, 572-583) who concluded that Broca's aphasics rely on semantic constraints instead of syntactic information for sentence comprehension. Our aphasic subjects showed the same pattern of performance on this subset of sentences. However, the results from the full set of sentence materials we tested show that the aphasic subjects could perform some sentence level syntactic analyses, even when syntactic information conflicted with semantic constraints. The aphasic subjects correctly interpreted most active and passive sentences. They failed, however, to assign thematic roles and adjectives in center-embedded relative sentences, and instead relied on nonsyntactic information. These results show that both semantic and syntactic information contributed to sentence comprehension in the aphasic subjects we tested, in contrast to previous claims that syntactic and semantic processes are completely dissociated in this population.