Color naming, lens aging, and grue: what the optics of the aging eye can teach us about color language

Many languages without separate terms for green and blue are or were spoken in locations receiving above-average exposure to ultraviolet-B (UV-B) radiation. It has been proposed that this correlation is caused by premature lens aging. This conclusion was supported by an experiment in which younger observers used the term "blue" less often when they described simulated paint chips filtered through the equivalent of an older observer's lens-removing much short-wavelength light-than when they described the unfiltered versions of the same paint chips. Some stimuli that were called "blue" without simulated aging were called "green" when filtered. However, in the experiment reported here, we found that the proportion of "blue" color-name responses did not differ between younger subjects and older observers with known ocular media optical densities. Color naming for stimuli that were nominally green, blue-green, or blue was virtually identical for older and younger observers who viewed the same (unfiltered) stimuli. Our results are inconsistent with the lens-brunescence hypothesis.     

3—6岁不同民族儿童颜色命名发展的比较

该文报告了我国大陆地区的汉族、蒙族、维族、壮族、白族及哈尼族3-6岁儿童的颜色命名发展的水平与差异。采用8种常见色片,即红、橙、黄、绿、蓝、紫及黑、白作为本实验用色样。结果表明：6个不同民族儿童的颜色正确命名率均随年龄增长而提高,不同民族儿童的颜色正确命名率存在一定差异。从总平均结果值来看,汉族儿童正确命名率为75．7％,蒙族为74．9％,哈尼族为59．8％,壮族为57．8％,白族为56．3％,维族为42．9％。对不同颜色的正确命名难易程度是不同的,但总的发展趋势是一致的,正确命名颜色的先后发展次序是：先是黑色、红色、白色,然后是黄色和绿色,再后是蓝色,最后是紫色与橙色。对儿童给予早期颜色命名教育可以明显提高和促进其颜色命名能力的发展。     

"Blue and seven phenomena" among Japanese students

To investigate color and number preferences in Japan, 586 university undergraduates (239 men and 347 women; M age = 20.9 yr.) were asked to name a color (Question 1), to name their preferred color (Question 2), and to name their preferred number between zero and nine (Question 3). The results showed that Japanese students chose blue (33.5%) or red (26.0%) when asked to name a color but that red was not chosen as frequently as blue as a preferred color (red: 11.1%, blue: 37.1%). Sex differences were found on both Questions 1 and 2 by chi-squared test. Black was chosen more by men, while pink was selected more by women. 22.5% subjects also selected the number seven, supporting Simon's observation of the "blue-seven phenomenon." The reasons given for the choice showed that seven was "a lucky number" and "represented happiness" among Japanese students. Four colors (blue, red, white, and black) accounted for 76.8% and 65.1% of responses to Questions 1 and 2, respectively, and odd numbers 68.4% for Question 3.     

3—6岁白、哈尼族与汉族儿童的颜色命名能力的发展

探讨了云南地区白族与哈尼族３—６岁儿童的颜色命名能力发展,并与北京地区汉族同龄儿童作了比较。实验结果表明,不同民族的儿童的颜色命名能力都伴随年龄增长而逐步提高;但汉族儿童的颜色命名能力发展略高于哈尼族与白族同龄儿童。总的来看,儿童对不同颜色正确命名能力的发展有着共同的规律性,即黑、白、红三色较易正确命名,其次是黄、绿、蓝三色较难正确命名,命名正确率最低的颜色是橙与紫。     

3～6岁儿童对11种基本颜色命名和分类研究

对3~6岁儿童11种基本颜色的命名和分类进行了研究。结果表明:⑴汉语儿童对11种基本颜色的正确命名率随年龄增长而提高,顺序是白、黑、红、黄、绿、蓝、粉红、紫、橙、灰和棕。(2)汉语儿童对基本颜色分类能力随年龄增长而提高。3~4岁儿童对基本颜色没有明确的分类标准。5岁儿童有了一定标准,并出现按“彩色/非彩色”和“冷色/暖色”分类的倾向。6岁儿童颜色分类标准更明确,开始由主观标准向客观标准转变。     

Color opponency in synaesthetic experiences

Grapheme-color synaesthesia is a rare condition in which perception of a letter or a digit is associated with concurrent perception of a color. Synaesthetes report that these color experiences are vivid and realistic. We used a Stroop task to show that synaesthetically induced color, like real color, is processed in color-opponent channels (red-green or blue-yellow). Synaesthetic color produced maximal interference with the perception and naming of the real color of a grapheme if the real color was opponent to the synaesthetic color. Interference was reduced considerably if the synaesthetic and real colors engaged different color channels (e.g., synaesthetic blue and real red). No dependence on color opponency was found for semantic conflicts between shape and color (e.g., a blue lemon). Thus, the neural representation of synaesthetic colors closely resembles that of real colors. This suggests involvement of early stages of visual processing in color synaesthesia and explains the vivid and realistic nature of synaesthetic experiences.     

Ability of chimpanzees to respond to symbols of quantity in comparison with that of children and of monkeys

Four chimpanzees, 4 rhesus monkeys, and 11 children aged 4-9 yr were assessed under comparable conditions for their ability to make use of colors as symbols of quantity. One particular color represented the quantifier "all"; another represented "some"; another represented "one"; a fourth represented "none." These arbitrarily chosen colors retained their individual meanings when the test conditions were varied on three occasions. The ability of the subjects to continue responding appropriately to the colors immediately after a change of test condition was used as the measure of performance. The apes performed like the monkeys, having especial difficulties relative to the children with the most sensitive quantifier "some."     

Gesturing and naming: the use of functional knowledge in object identification

Studies using functional imaging show reliable activation of premotor cortex when observers view manipulable objects. This result has led to the view that knowledge of object function, particularly the actions associated with the typical use of objects, may play a causal role in object identification. To obtain relevant evidence regarding this causal role, we asked subjects to learn gesture-color associations and then attempt to identify objects presented in colors denoting functional gestures that were congruent or incongruent with the objects' use. A strong congruency effect was observed when subjects gestured the use of an object, but not when they named an object. We conclude that our procedure constitutes a sensitive measure of the recruitment and causal role of functional knowledge and that this recruitment is not present during object naming. Preliminary evidence, however, indicates that gestures evoked by the volumetric shape of an object do contribute to object naming.     

Stroop interference: Hemispheric difference in Chinese speakers

Some recent studies have demonstrated that the processing of color is favored by the nondominant hemisphere in English-speaking subjects. Single Chinese logographs in Japanese- as well as Chinese-speaking subjects are similarly favored. In the present study, it was hypothesized that more Stroop interference would occur in the nondominant hemisphere because the two processes involved in the Stroop effect (i.e., reading logographs and naming colors) are possibly localized in that hemisphere in Chinese-speaking subjects. Eighteen right-handed Chinese-English bilinguals were used as subjects. There were three conditions in each visual field: Interference, reading, and naming. Each slide was presented for 150 msec preceded by a fixation dot. Subjects were asked to verbally report as fast and as accurately as possible either the color words or the color names, depending upon the condition. Reaction times and error rates were analyzed. As expected, more Stroop interference was obtained when color words were presented in the left visual field. This result is in direct contrast with that of Y-C. Tsao, T. Feustel, and C. Soseos 1979, Brain and Language, 8, 367–371. In that study, more Stroop interference was obtained when the materials were presented in the right visual field in English-speaking subjects.     

材料类型和颜色典型性影响颜色-物体Stroop效应

通过两个实验考查材料类型和颜色典型性对颜色-物体Stroop效应的影响。实验1,考查颜色-物体（图片）Stroop效应。结果颜色典型性差异显著,命名图片的颜色和图片的名称都产生显著的颜色-物体Stroop效应。实验2,考查颜色-物体（词语）Stroop效应。结果颜色典型性差异显著,命名词语的颜色产生颜色-物体Stroop效应,命名词语的名称未产生颜色-物体Stroop效应。结论,材料类型和颜色典型性影响颜色-物体Stroop效应。     

Relative speed of processing determines color–word contingency learning

In three experiments, we tested a relative-speed-of-processing account of color–word contingency learning, a phenomenon in which color identification responses to high-contingency stimuli (words that appear most often in particular colors) are faster than those to low-contingency stimuli. Experiment 1 showed equally large contingency-learning effects whether responding was to the colors or to the words, likely due to slow responding to both dimensions because of the unfamiliar mapping required by the key press responses. For Experiment 2, participants switched to vocal responding, in which reading words is considerably faster than naming colors, and we obtained a contingency-learning effect only for color naming, the slower dimension. In Experiment 3, previewing the color information resulted in a reduced contingency-learning effect for color naming, but it enhanced the contingency-learning effect for word reading. These results are all consistent with contingency learning influencing performance only when the nominally irrelevant feature is faster to process than the relevant feature, and therefore are entirely in accord with a relative-speed-of-processing explanation.     

Is the sky 2? Contextual priming in grapheme-color synaesthesia

Grapheme-color synaesthesia is a neurological phenomenon in which particular graphemes, such as the numeral 9, automatically induce the simultaneous perception of a particular color, such as the color red. To test whether the concurrent color sensations in grapheme-color synaesthesia are treated as meaningful stimuli, we recorded event-related brain potentials as 8 synaesthetes and 8 matched control subjects read sentences such as "Looking very clear, the lake was the most beautiful hue of 7." In synaesthetes, but not control subjects, congruous graphemes, compared with incongruous graphemes, elicited a more negative N1 component, a less positive P2 component, and a less negative N400 component. Thus, contextual congruity of synaesthetically induced colors altered the brain response to achromatic graphemes beginning 100 ms postonset, affecting pattern-recognition, perceptual, and meaning-integration processes. The results suggest that grapheme-color synaesthesia is automatic and perceptual in nature and also suggest that the connections between colors and numbers are bidirectional.     

Color-object interference in young children: A Stroop effect in children 3½-6½ years old

The Stroop color–word task cannot be administered to children who are unable to read. However, our color–object Stroop task can. One hundred and sixty-eight children of 3½–6½ years (50% female; 24 children at each 6-month interval) were shown line drawings of familiar objects in a color that was congruent (e.g., an orange carrot), incongruent (e.g., a green carrot), or neutral (for objects having no canonical color [e.g., a red book]), and abstract shapes, each drawn in one of six colors. Half the children were asked to name the color in which each object was drawn, and half were to name each object. Children's predominant tendency was to say what the object was; when instructed to do otherwise they were slower and less accurate. Children were faster and more accurate at naming the color of a stimulus when the form could not be named (abstract shape) than when it could, even if in its canonical color. The heightened interference to color-naming versus object-naming was not due to lack of familiarity with color names or group differences: Children in the color condition were as fast and accurate at naming the colors of abstract shapes as were children in the form condition at naming familiar objects.     

Some variables in the blue (red) phenomenon

The relation between spontaneous color choices and ratings of the prototypicality, conspicuousness, and pleasantness of colors was studied in a sample of Dutch college students. Pleasantness, not prototypicality or conspicuousness, determined the four most frequent spontaneous choices--red, blue, green, and purple. Subjects considered blue the most pleasant of the 12 colors studied, which suggests a pleasantness explanation for the "blue phenomenon" found in some countries. The predominance of red as a spontaneous choice replicated the results of previous studies in the Netherlands. Red also was rated highest in prototypicality but was not rated higher by red choosers than by choosers of other colors, so that a simple prototypicality explanation was rejected. Further analysis showed that the predominance of red as the spontaneous choice of Dutch subjects can be explained by an interaction between prototypicality and pleasantness: Subjects tended to choose red when they rated it highly on both variables.     

Explaining color term typology with an evolutionary model

An expression-induction model was used to simulate the evolution of basic color terms to test Berlin and Kay's (1969) hypothesis that the typological patterns observed in basic color term systems are produced by a process of cultural evolution under the influence of biases resulting from the special properties of universal focal colors. Ten agents were simulated, each of which could learn color term denotations by generalizing from examples using Bayesian inference, and for which universal focal red, yellow, green, and blue were especially salient, but unevenly spaced in the perceptual color space. Conversations between these agents, in which agents would learn from one another, were simulated over several generations, and the languages emerging at the end of each simulation were investigated. The proportion of color terms of each type correlated closely with the equivalent frequencies found in the World Color Survey, and most of the emergent languages could be placed on one of the evolutionary trajectories proposed by Kay and Maffi (1999). The simulation therefore demonstrates how typological patterns can emerge as a result of learning biases acting over a period of time.     

Cross-species differences in color categorization

Berlin and Kay (1969) found systematic restrictions in the color terms of the world’s languages and were inclined to look to the primate visual system for their origin. Because the visual system does not provide adequate neurophysiological discontinuities to supply natural color category boundaries, and because recent evidence points to a linguistic origin (Davidoff, Davies, & Roberson, 1999), a new approach was used to investigate the controversial issue of the origin of color categories. Baboons and humans were given the same task of matching-to-sample colors that crossed the blue/green boundary. The data and consequent modeling were remarkably clear-cut. All human subjects matched our generalization probe stimuli as if to a sharp boundary close to the midpoint between their training items. Despite good color discrimination, none of the baboons showed any inclination to match to a single boundary but rather responded with two boundaries close to the training stimuli. The data give no support to the claim that color categories are explicitly instantiated in the primate color vision system.     

Infant color preference for red is not selectively context specific

It has been proposed that human infants, like nonhuman primates, respond favorably to red in hospitable contexts, yet unfavorably in hostile contexts (Maier, Barchfeld, Elliot, & Pekrun, 2009). Here, we replicate and extend the study (Maier et al., 2009) whose findings have been used to support this hypothesis. As in Maier et al., 1-year-old infants were shown a photograph of a happy or angry face before pairs of colors were presented, yet in the current study, the set of stimuli crucially included two colors that are typically preferred by infants (red and blue). The percentage of times that infants looked first at the colors was analyzed for the two emotional "contexts." Following the happy face, infants looked first at red and blue equally, but significantly more than green. Following the angry face, the pattern of looking preference was the same as following the happy face, but the variation across the three colors was reduced. Contrary to Maier et al.'s hypothesis, there was no evidence that infants are selectively averse to red in angry contexts: following the angry face, "preference" for both red and blue was reduced, but was not significantly below chance. We therefore suggest an alternative account to Maier et al.'s evolutionary hypothesis, which argues that an angry face merely removes infant color preference, potentially due to the perceptual characteristics of the angry face disrupting infants' encoding of color. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved).     

Color discrimination under chronic hypoxic conditions (simulated climb "Everest-Comex 97")

Hypoxia is known to alter visual functions. In the present study, the effects of chronic hypobaric hypoxia upon visual color discrimination were studied in 8 subjects participating in a simulated climb from sea level (PO2 = 210 hPa) to 8,848 m (PO2 = 70 hPa) over a 31-day period of confinement in a decompression chamber ('Everst-Comex 97'). During these investigations, the subjects were required to discriminate between colors of different hue in the red, blue, and green ranges. Alterations in color discrimination increased slightly but significantly as altitude increased. Impairments occurred mainly in the red and blue ranges. In addition, our results further indicate that color discrimination would be affected only when a minimum threshold of difference between color stimuli is not present. Methodological and physiological implications are discussed.     

Some effects of color on naming and recognition of objects

In this article, we investigated the role of color in the recognition and naming of everyday objects. In the first experiment we found that color pictures were named faster than black-and-white and that shape information did not facilitate color naming. Experiment 2 was carried out to determine at which stage of object processing the color facilitation occurred. We found that color had no effect on object recognition but did facilitate object naming, even when color was redundant for discrimination. This did not apply to naming abstract shapes. Experiment 3 replicated the findings of Experiment 2 using different objects and colors. The results showed that color could facilitate but not inhibit object naming and did not affect object recognition.     

Knowing color terms enhances recognition: further evidence from English and Himba

Two experiments attempted to reconcile discrepant recent findings relating to children’s color naming and categorization. In a replication of Franklin and colleagues (Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 90 (2005) 114-141), Experiment 1 tested English toddlers’ naming and memory for blue-green and blue-purple colors. It also found advantages for between-category presentations that could be interpreted as support for universal color categories. However, a different definition of knowing color terms led to quite different conclusions in line with the Whorfian view of Roberson and colleagues (Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 133 (2004) 554-571). Categorical perception in recognition memory was now found only for children with a fuller understanding of the relevant terms. It was concluded that color naming can both underestimate and overestimate toddlers’ knowledge of color terms. Experiment 2 replicated the between-category recognition superiority found in Himba children by Franklin and colleagues for the blue-purple range. But Himba children, whose language does not have separate terms for green and blue, did not show a cross-category advantage for that set; rather, they behaved like English children who did not know their color terms.