Suicide in Batman, southeastern Turkey

The southeastern part of Turkey has comparatively high female suicide rates. We aimed to research social, economic, cultural, and psychiatric reasons of suicides in Batman in a case-controlled psychological autopsy study comparing suicides with matched community controls. The female suicide rate was 9.3 per 100.000 and the female/male ratio was 1.72/1. The suicides most frequently occurred in young females, mean age 20.7. The most frequent method (45%) was hanging. The most frequent stressful life events were health problems and family disruption. High suicide rates among females may be related to negative social status of females living in the region.     

A Historical Survey of Police Suicide in Queensland,Australia, 1843–1992

Police suicide research has yielded inconsistent results. An opportunity presented to survey Queensland police suicides in a historical context and add to the existing literature; the study describes changes in police suicide over time, the associated characteristics, and opportunities for intervention. Suicides were examined from the origins of police in Queensland in 1843 up to 1992. Suicide rates were higher earlier, around 60 per 100,000, declining to around 20 per 100,000 recently. The recent rate is lower than most other police studies but the same as the general community (employed). Most suicides were associated with psychological and physical ill health, alcohol abuse, and domestic problems, in keeping with general community surveys. However, occupational problems were more evident than is generally the case. The proximity in time of disciplinary events and suicides was striking. Future studies should explore the interactions between these factors.     

What's Changed? A Comparison of Army Suicide Surveillance Data to Cases from 1975 to 1982

US Army suicide rates increased significantly in the last decade and have remained high. To inform future research hypotheses, Army suicide surveillance data (2012–2014) were compared to similar Army data for suicides from 1975 to 1982. Preliminary data suggest that suicide rates increased across most demographic groups, but may have decreased among divorced soldiers. Mental health utilization increased over time. Legal problems and physical health problems were identified in a higher percentage of cases in the recent data relative to the 1975–1982 era. Potential implications for suicide prevention are discussed.     

Suicide surveillance in the U.S. Military--reporting and classification biases in rate calculations

The military has a well-defined population with suicide prevention programs that have been recognized as possible models for civilian suicide prevention efforts. Monitoring prevention programs requires accurate reporting. In civilian settings, several studies have confirmed problems in the reporting and classification of suicides. This analysis evaluated whether suicides were underreported or misclassified under accident or undetermined manner of death in the military system. We reviewed all 1998 and 1999 military deaths using official death reports and compared these data with additional sources, most importantly the DoD Medical Mortality Registry. We assessed for evidence of expressed suicidal intent and past psychiatric history among deaths classified as undetermined and accidents due to gunshot, overdose, drowning, falls, or asphyxia. Using sources other than official records, we found 17% more suicides than were reported, and an additional 4% of deaths that were suspicious for suicide. This study suggests that reporting and classification errors may account for 21% additional suicides in the military. These findings are comparable to rates seen in civilian studies and add to the literature regarding the problems inherent in using administrative death classification data for medical surveillance purposes.     

A Comparative Evaluation of Police Suicide Rate Validity

The authors assessed sensitivity, specificity, and predictive value of official police suicide rates and compared them to municipal workers. Deaths officially classified as suicide, accidental, and undetermined were submitted to a panel of medical examiners for validation. Six cases originally in the accident and undetermined rubric were reclassified as suicide. Official police suicide rates had less sensitivity (83.3% compared to 92.3%) of actual suicides than municipal worker rates. Police suicide rates also showed a lower negative proportion than municipal worker rates (86.2% compared to 98.7%). A generalizable sensitivity proportion equation for assessing suicide rates in other police groups is presented.     

Suicide among adolescents and young adults: a cross-national comparison of 34 countries

Few cross-national reports have examined suicide rates among adolescents and young adults. A survey of suicides among 15-24-year-olds in 34 of the wealthiest nations demonstrated that 15,555 youths killed themselves in a 1-year study period. Thirty-four percent of these suicides were firearm-related. Finland led the participating nations in total and firearm-related suicide rates. An association was found between divorce rates and youth suicide rates, firearm-related suicide among youths, and suicide rates among young males. For a smaller sample of countries, an association was found between firearm availability and firearm-related suicide rates among youths and suicide rates among young males.     

Certification change versus actual behavior change in teenage suicide rates, 1955-1979

National data on firearm suicides and accidental firearm deaths for persons aged 15-19 from 1955 to 1979 were examined to test hypotheses of increases in reported suicide rates as resulting from (1) improved accuracy in the determination and certification of suicide in equivocal firearm deaths; (2) actual increases in the rate of firearm suicides among teens; or (3) some combination of these factors. Data presented support the hypothesis of certification changes as the primary factor influencing suicide rates during the first 12-year segment, but suggest a period of actual growth combined with continued certification change from 1967 to 1979.     

Suicide mortality among Kentucky farmers, 1979-1985

Farmers may be at high risk for suicide because of their social environment and because of chemical exposure resulting in neurotoxic effects in the workplace. Age-specific suicide rates are compared for Kentucky white farmers, Kentucky white males, and U.S. white males. Data for suicides occurring in Kentucky represent the 7-year period between 1979 and 1985; data for the United States suicides represent the period 1980. Overall, suicide rates were highest for Kentucky farmers, followed by Kentucky males and then by U.S. males. All males were most likely to use firearms as the mode of suicide, but the farmers used firearms significantly more often than the U.S. males, as did the other Kentucky males. These findings and other evidence support the need to assess suicide rates in this occupational group in other states, to begin suicide prevention programs for Kentucky, and to work to identify risk factors contributing to the Kentucky farm suicides.     

Prevalence and Risk Factors Associated With Suicides of Army Soldiers 2001–2009

Prevalence and risk factors associated with soldiers' suicides 2001–2009 (N = 874) were examined. Army suicide rates increased from 9 per 100,000 in 2001 to 22 per 100,000 in 2009. Soldier suicides were lower than civilians from 2001 to 2007, but higher than civilians after 2007. Army suicides were disproportionately higher for men, deployment experience, and a history of a mental health diagnosis/treatment; and lower for African Americans. Many involved planning (38%), communication (21%), alcohol (19%), or drugs (8%). Many had legal problems (31%), high stress loads (90%), a history of self-injury (10%), and other contributing factors prior to entry into the Army (31%). Implications for understanding suicide among military personnel are discussed.     

Female Suicide Rates in Ghizer,Pakistan

Suicide is an understudied subject in Pakistan. There are many social, legal, and religious sanctions against it. National rates of suicides are not known. We calculated suicide rates of women in the Ghizer District of the remote Northern Areas of Pakistan. During years 2000 to 2004, 49 women committed suicide. Taking average mean population for women for 5 years as 65,783, we calculated annual crude suicide rates for women as 14.89/100,000/year. For women over the age of 15 years, rates were 33.22/100,000/year; age‐specific rates for 15–24 years were 61.07/100,000 per year. These figures are considerably higher than suicide rates in other parts of Pakistan and may be related to high psychiatric morbidity in Pakistani women. This study underscores the need for a standardized system of registration of suicides in Pakistan. There is also urgent need to address high psychological distress in women in Pakistan.     

A consideration of the validity and reliability of suicide mortality data

The question of the validity and reliability of suicide statistics may be considered at three levels: (1) Are suicide deaths misidentified or differentially identified across jurisdictions or over time? (2) To what degree are suicide deaths misidentified? and (3) Is the degree to which suicides are misidentified sufficient to threaten the validity of research based on suicide statistics? There is general agreement that suicides are likely to be undercounted, both for structural reasons (the burden-of-proof issue, the requirement that the coroner or medical examiner suspect the possibility of suicide) and for sociocultural reasons. There is also substantial anecdotal and empirical evidence suggesting that the mode of death for some true suicides is in fact certified as other than suicide. Overall, it does not seem that very many true nonsuicides are incorrectly certified as suicides. There is not, however, much agreement as to the degree to which true suicides are undercounted. At least some of the inconsistencies in the findings of different investigators arise because the validity of suicide certification seems to vary from place to place. But the source of apparent conflicts in many of the findings is undoubtedly the lack of a "gold standard" against which the verdicts of any given death certification process can be measured. At best, we can estimate that the sensitivity with which coroners and medical examiners certify true suicides varies from approximately 55% to 99%. A central question in estimating the sensitivity of suicide certification is this: What proportion of true suicides are either equivocal or likely to go unsuspected by the coroner or medical examiner? Very little has been done to investigate this issue. Yet the sensitivity of suicide certification clearly varies for equivocal versus unequivocal suicides. As shown in Table 1.2, specificity is also at issue when it comes to certifying equivocal cases. The final question--whether the degree of undercounting of suicide deaths is so great that it threatens the validity of research based on official statistics--is at the crux of the general concern about suicide certification. There are examples of studies in which conclusions based on crude comparisons of reported suicide statistics appear to be invalid. For the most part, these are comparisons among nations with substantially differing death certification procedures. When official statistics are interpreted with a degree of caution and an understanding of the source and direction of biases likely to affect the published rates, however, it seems unlikely that major conclusions based on these statistics will be in error.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)     

Disentangling the Person and the Place as Explanations for Regional Differences in Suicide

Identifying whether suicides in a region are due to characteristics of the residents living there or to some enduring feature of the region is difficult when using cross‐sectional studies. To distinguish these factors, we compared the suicides of a region's residents with people who were temporarily visiting the region. Using U.S. death records from 1973–2004, we focused on states with the highest and lowest suicide rates over this period. The high suicide region consisted of Arizona, Colorado, Montana, New Mexico, Nevada, Oregon, and Wyoming; the low suicide region consisted of Connecticut, Illinois, Massachusetts, New Jersey, and New York. For each region, we considered three groups of decedents: residents who died inside the region, residents who died outside the region, and visitors to the region. Proportionate mortality ratios were calculated for all suicides and separately for firearm suicides. In the high suicide region, visitors to and residents away from the region both had elevated suicide levels, to about the same extent as residents dying inside the region. Therefore, short‐term exposure to the region and being a resident of the region each predicted suicide. In the low suicide region, the suicides of residents at home were reduced, but their suicides rose dramatically once they left the area. There was no decrease in suicides among visitors to the region. Firearm use was related to the suicide levels of each region. Overall, the results suggest that both the available means to commit suicide and the contextual features of the regions contributed to their extreme suicides. We discuss how an examination of visitors can help researchers generate novel inferences about the causes of suicide.     

The Big Ten Student Suicide Study: A 10-Year Study of Suicides on Midwestern University Campuses

The Big Ten Student Suicide Study was undertaken from 1980–1990 to determine the suicide rates on Big Ten University campuses. The study design attempted to address many of the statistical and epidemiological flaws identified in previous studies of campus student suicides. The 10-year study collected demographic and correlational data on 261 suicides of registered students at 12 midwestern campuses. The largest number of suicides for both males and females were in the 20–24-year-old age group (46%), and amongst graduate students (32%). The overall student suicide rate of 7.5/100,000 is one half of the computed national suicide rate (15.0/100,000) for a matched sample by age, gender, and race. Despite the overall lower suicide rate, the analyses revealed that students 25 and over have a significantly higher risk than younger students. Although women have rates roughly half those of men throughout their undergraduate years, graduate women have rates not significantly different from their male counterparts (graduate women 9.1/100,000 and graduate men 11.6/100,000).     

Rural‐Urban Differences in Suicide Rates for Current Patients of a Public Mental Health Service in Australia

Rural versus urban rates of suicide in current patients of a large area mental health service in Australia were compared. Suicide deaths were identified from compulsory root cause analyses of deaths, 2003–2007. Age‐standardized rates of suicide were calculated for rural versus urban mental health service and compared using variance of age‐standardized rates with 95% confidence intervals. There were 44 suicides and the majority (62%) were rural. Only urban patients used jumping from heights as a method of suicide (4/17; p = 0.02). Rural patients had 2.7 times higher rates of suicide, similar to findings for rural versus urban community suicides and may reflect the underlying community rates, differences in mental health service delivery, or socioeconomic disadvantage.     

Suicide in the army national guard: an empirical inquiry

Since 2004, suicides in the U.S. military have risen, most notably in the Army National Guard (ARNG). Data used in this study were obtained for suicides occurring from 2007 to 2010 and for a random sample of nonsuicides from the general ARNG population. Of the military-related variables considered, a few showed relationships to suicide. Rather, the primary variables associated with suicide were soldier background characteristics, including age (17-24 years), race (White), and gender (male). Cluster analysis revealed two distinct suicide groups: "careerists" (about one third of all suicides) and "first-termers" (about two thirds of all suicides), each group exhibiting different concurrent behavioral problems.     

Suicide in the U.S. Army: epidemiological and periodic aspects

An overview of suicide in the U.S. Army is presented in two sections: (1) the epidemiology of U.S. Army suicides, based on biennium reports, and (2) the temporal aspects of those suicides compared with the data for the United States as a whole. A brief historical review documents some of the changes in contemporary military suicide rates compared to those of the past century. The cycles in the number of suicides by day of the week, day of the month, and the month of the year for the U.S. Army are computed and contrasted with those reported for the U.S. resident population.     

Zusammenhang zwischen Art der strafbaren Handlung und Suizid in Haftanstalten der USA

Does the nature of the criminal charge or conviction influence whether a jail or prison inmate will take his life? In the United States several nationwide surveys provide relevant information for answering this question. Studies of jail suicides in 1979, 1985 and 1986 respectively indicated that most inmates who committed suicide were charged with nonviolent offenses including drug related or minor offenses. In more recent national surveys the rate of suicide among jail inmates charged with violent offenses was triple that for those charged with nonviolent offenses. Offenses with the highest rates of suicide were kidnapping, rape and homicide. In prisons, where the rate of suicide is much lower than in jails, the rate of suicide for violent prisoners was twice that for nonviolent prisoners. Violent offenses with the highest rates of suicide in prisons included kidnapping, homicide, sexual assault and assault. Discussion addresses the discrepant results between the early surveys of jail suicides and the more recent surveys of suicides in jails and prisons. Further explored are possible explanations for the earlier predominance of nonviolent offenses among suicide victims, the recently elevated rates among violent offenses, and the elevated rates among specific criminal offenses. Commentary is also given to the practical implications of these findings.     

Prison suicides in Austria, 1975-1997

Suicide prevention in custody is hampered by the lack of funds and professional staff. In order to evaluate the prison suicide phenomenon, a study was conducted evaluating all suicides that occurred in Austrian prisons between 1975 and 1997 (n = 220). In addition to evaluating the number of male versus female suicides, the preferred suicide methods were studied, as well as suicide risk of different circumstances of custody. Suicide rates of distinguishable, important subgroups of prisoners were calculated. The suicide rate for prisoners on remand was 236.0 per 100,000, and for offenders classified as mentally ill it was 205.4 per 100,000. That is about 8 times higher than the suicide rate in Austria's general population (1975-1997: 24.6 per 100,000). The suicide rate for sentenced offenders was 81.3 per 100,000, about twice the suicide rate in Austria's general male population. We recommend that psychologists or psychiatrists concentrate on the suicide prevention of high-risk offenders after screening the newly admitted offenders for their propensity to suicide.     

Elevated suicide rates at high altitude: sociodemographic and health issues may be to blame

Suicide rates are higher at high altitudes; some hypothesize that hypoxia is the cause. We examined 8,871 suicides recorded in 2006 in 15 states by the National Violent Death Reporting System, with the victim's home county altitude determined from the National Elevation Dataset through FIPS code matching. We grouped cases by altitude (low<1000m; middle=1000-1999m; high≥2000m). Of reported suicides, 5% were at high and 83% at low altitude, but unadjusted suicide rates per 100,000 population were higher at high (17.7) than at low (5.7) altitude. High and low altitude victims differed with respect to race, ethnicity, rural residence, intoxication, depressed mood preceding the suicide, firearm use and recent financial, job, legal, or interpersonal problems. Even after multivariate adjustment, there were significant differences in personal, mental health, and suicide characteristics among altitude groups. Compared to low altitude victims, high altitude victims had higher odds of having family or friends report of a depressed mood preceding the suicide (OR 1.78; 95%CI:1.46-2.17) and having a crisis within 2weeks before death (OR 2.00; 95%CI:1.63-1.46). Suicide victims at high and low altitudes differ significantly by multiple demographic, psychiatric, and suicide characteristics; these factors, rather than hypoxia or altitude itself, may explain increased suicide rates at high altitude.     

Demographic, criminal, and psychiatric factors related to inmate suicide

A review of 19 studies suggests that it may be feasible to identify prisoners with suicide risk on the basis of demographic, psychiatric, and criminal characteristics. The present study aimed to identify combinations of characteristics that are capable of identifying potential suicide victims. Characteristics of 95 suicide victims in the Dutch prison system were compared with those of a random sample of 247 inmates in ten jails. Combinations of indicators for suicide risk were also tested for their capability of identifying 209 suicides in U.S. jails and 279 prison suicides in England and Wales. A combination of six characteristics (age 40+, homelessness, history of psychiatric care, history of drug abuse, one prior incarceration, violent offence) was capable of correctly classifying 82% of the Dutch suicide victims (82% specificity). Less powerful combinations correctly classified 53% of the U.S. suicides and 47% of the U.K. suicides. It is concluded that a set of demographic and criminal characteristics and indicators of psychiatric problems is useful for the identification of suicide risk in jails and prisons.