霍布斯道德哲学中的理性之思

在霍布斯的道德哲学体系中,对于理性的基础地位一直存在着两种不同理解:一种观点认为在霍布斯的道德哲学中理性只具有工具性的价值;另一种观点则认为霍布斯道德哲学中的理性还具有目的性的价值.实际上,通过考察理性和自我保存以及自然法则之间的关系,可以发现理性不仅可以作为工具实现人们的欲望,而且能够确立人们道德行为的义务和法则,彰显理性在公共生活中的意义和价值.     

关于构建和谐社会思想的政治哲学解读

社会冲突理论是马克思主义社会理论中的重要内容,不过与此同时应当看到的是,由社会冲突理论所积极引发的马克思关于社会主义、共产主义的深入思考,最终不仅改变了资本主义与封建主义的政治发展进程,甚至可以说也改变了整个人类历史的政治发展进程,因此从根本上说它又可以称得上是一种具有极其深刻现实影响力的政治哲学思想.     

持有权与程序正义的当代阐述者 --评诺齐克的自由至上主义权利理论

诺齐克提出了有关一般权利和财产权的性质的深层问题 ,而其理论出发点仍然是自由主义的基本原则 ,即是否可能不特别借助于关于人性及其目的的说明来发展出一种权利理论 ,以及是否可能发展出一种不预设人间善的观念的产权理论。他在具体论述时向罗尔斯和德沃金的正义理论发出了根本性的挑战 ,并且坚持了程序正义的底线和“最小国家”的古典自由主义原则。今天只有从经济全球化和自由贸易发展的国际大背景下才能深刻理解诺齐克的权利理论的理论意义和现实意义     

Contingency in Political Philosophy

The paper examines John Horton’s realist political theory, in particular his critique of John Rawls’s “high” or “liberal moralism”, and seeks to determine the extent to which, together with Horton, we would have reasons to leave Rawls’s and other Rawlsian accounts behind. The paper argues that some of the insights of Horton’s realism are mistaken, whereas many of those which are not mistaken are compatible with liberal moralism correctly understood. The argument is also formulated in terms of contingency, in particular in terms of a contrast between the realist emphasis on the contingency of human existence and the liberal moralism’s neglect or inability to properly account for it, due to a strong focus on necessity.     

理解"后现代"语境中的政治哲学——"现代政治哲学理念解读"之三

后现代政治哲学早已不是什么新话题,但国人对它的理解至今还主要停留在后现代主义一般性理论的层面上,政治哲学领域的独特性往往被忽视或淹没.事实上,无论从与传统政治哲学在研究起点、内容、方法、旨趣等方面的不同所规约出的理论视阈,还是从理性反思、合法性论证及日常生活强调等研究路径所反映出的理论取向,都鲜明地彰显着后现代政治哲学的独特魅力和启示.     

论康德的政治哲学

康德的"永久和平"(der ewige Friede)概念是其政治哲学的核心.在康德之前,马基亚维里、格劳秀斯、普芬道夫、博丹、霍布斯这些近代政治哲学和国际法学的奠基人都对永久和平的理想不屑一顾.只有圣·皮埃尔神甫的《欧洲永久和平的方案》和卢梭的和平观念构成了康德"永久和平"概念的直接源头.在《永久和平论》中,康德从自由的实践理性原则出发,并提出,共和国家的自由联盟是永久和平的基础,并给出了一整套关于世界公民权利的"世界公民主义"(Cosmopolitanism),给出了今天人们称之为"自由主义的国际主义"的哲学论证.这个思想对哈贝马斯和罗尔斯这些当代政治哲学家的思想产生了很大影响.     

马克思的政治哲学视阈下的《共产党宣言》

重新审视<宣言>的政治哲学思想,意味着在对政治哲学基本概念的分析基础上,能够把握马克思的政治哲学与马克思主义政治哲学之间的关系,并且在存在、建构和超越的逻辑进路下辨明马克思的政治哲学在<宣言>中是通过三个核心范畴的命题而确立的.通过对<宣言>具体内容的抽象,<宣言>在三大范畴性进步的基础上,成功地从本体论、认识论和方法论三个方面体现了马克思的政治哲学的科学性、进步性、前瞻性和先进性.     

Confucian Political Philosophy for Non-Confucians

Contemporary proponents of Confucian political philosophy often ignore the fact that any sizeable future Confucian political order will have to accommodate many “non-Confucians.” The guiding question of this paper is therefore the following: how could a Confucian political philosophy, if it can at all, adequately take into account a plurality of comprehensive worldviews? I first turn to John Rawls and his account of these terms and of reasonable pluralism more generally. I then examine some particularly relevant developments and criticism of Rawls’ account. Finally, I offer a discussion of some recent proposals for a Confucian political philosophy, and examine to what extent each recognizes the fact of pluralism, sees it as a challenge, and deals with it in a persuasive manner. The paper concludes with a depiction of two major stumbling blocks that might stand firmly in the way of such a pluralism-accommodating political Confucianism.     

斯克拉顿的新保守主义政治哲学

斯克拉顿的政治哲学深受黑格尔法哲学的影响.斯克拉顿对权威、秩序、传统、财产、制度等保守主义核心理论预设的阐述和强调,继承了柏克以来保守主义的基本观点,抨击以理性主义为基础的自由主义政治哲学,把怀疑主义的传统保守主义带入现代.     

当代中国哲学的创造性诠释与体系化创建

当代中国哲学研究中 ,有两个基本发展向度的开发前景令人鼓舞 ,这就是对传统中国哲学的创造性诠释和对未来中国哲学的体系化创建。在诸多哲学研究者进行多方位、不同深度探索之后的今天 ,上述两个基本向度的开发已经呈现出了一种基本稳定的学术研究分布。这种分布不仅充分体现了当代中国哲学研究的空前繁荣局面 ,而且提出了一个更为深刻的时代问题 ,就是当代中国哲学发展所真正需要的 ,究竟是“重新诠释”还是“崭新创建” ?本文从还原性呈现的角度 ,就上述两个基本向度的概括进行简要表述 ,希望能够引起读者进一步的相关思考并提出新论。     

Expression and Indication in Ethics and Political Philosophy

We sometimes have reasons to perform actions due to what they would communicate. Those who have discussed such reasons have understood what an action ‘communicates’ as what it conventionally expresses. Brennan and Jaworski argue that when a convention ensures that expressing the appropriate thing would be costly, we should change or flout the convention. I argue that what really matters is often what attitudes we indicate rather than conventionally express, using social science to show that indicating our attitudes is often unavoidably costly, and sometimes worth the cost. I use this account to defend communicative arguments for egalitarian distributive policies.

     

“异识”的政治:对利奥塔政治哲学思想的一种解读

通过对1968年法国学生运动、犹太人问题和阿尔及利亚战争等政治事件的"碎片式"关注,利奥塔揭示了现代政治权威和现代国家机器的困境,宣告了启蒙救赎方案的失败。利奥塔对现代政治的批判,旨在以"反历史"的方式重写政治,进而为一种"异识"的政治提供可能性。     

The Political Philosophy of Sissela Bok

ABSTRACT  Sissela Bok's two main works, on lying and secrets, have not received all the attention they deserve. This is possibly because the underlying structure from which she is working is not, at least according to the critics, made sufficiently explicit. I believe that this structure is found in Sissela Bok's commitment to the fundamental tenets of democracy. This not only provides a framework that is clearly discernible but also gives her books an urgency, and supplies the solid basis necessary for taking up the challenges she puts forward. This is particularly important now that new democracies in Eastern Europe are looking to established democracies in the West for guidelines.