中国天主教现状

中国现有97个天主教教区和近500万天主教教友、约有四千多个教堂向公众开放。1957年成立的“中国天主教爱国会”和成立于1980年的“中国天主教主教团”是中国现有的两个全国性的天主教团体。迄今全国共有70名主教和将近1600位神父,大修院12个,各修院有1900多名学生就读,此外还开办了60多所修女院。中国天主教会发行一份名为《中国天主教》的双月刊。中国天主教和普世天主教有共同的信仰;在洗礼、弥撒等宗教仪式上也保持有相同的礼仪。和全世界的天主教友一样,中国的主教、神父和教友每天都要为教皇祈祷。在天主教的经文中,基督就是2004年前…     

江苏青年神父召开神学研讨会

1995年11月22日—23日,江苏省天主教“两会”召开全省青年神父神学研讨会。来自南京、徐州、苏州、海门四个教区的十六位青年神父参加。四教区的主教分别主持会议,省“两会”副秘书长成员与会,同大家一起座谈研讨。 在会上进行研讨交流的论文有12篇。论题主要为:《今日中国天主教的价值取向》;《当今中国天主教的自身建设》;《中国天主教的本地化》;《牧灵实践中的一些认识与体会》;《从圣经、“梵二”精神和中国天主教的历     

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学习《宪法》 上海市天主教“两会"制定学习《宪法》的目的、计划和任务 根据中央关于进一步学习和贯彻实施《宪法》的要求,及全国天主教“一会一团”对学习贯彻《宪法》的通知精神,上海市天主教“两会”近一段时     

重庆市天主教召开第二次代表会议

2002年10月22日,重庆市天主教第二次代表会议在渝中区东方饭店隆重召开,125位代表出席了会议。会议听取了刘德申教友代表市“两会”常委会所作的《五年来的工作报告》;审议和通过了《重庆市天主教爱国会章程》、《重庆市天主教教务委员会章程》、《重庆市天主教教会规章》。为切实推进民主办教进程和教会管理的制度化、规范化,会议还通过了《重庆市天主教民主办教实施意见》和《教会财产、财务管理制度》、《市“两会”会费收取和使用规定》等。选举产生了新的市“两会”领导班子:刘德申教友、徐之玄主教,分别当选为爱会会主席和教务委员会主席。与会代表畅所欲言,各抒己见,交流了经验、探讨     

被屏斥的珍籍——《四库全书存目丛书》中的天主教文献

被屏斥的珍籍———《四库全书存目丛书》中的天主教文献●周燮藩建国以来最大的古籍整理项目《四库全书存目丛书》已于１９９７年秋全部出齐，它被学界誉为是“继轨全书，沾溉后生”的文化盛事。该书将散在各地的四库存目书４５２３种收录印影，分装１２００巨册，使《四...     

《天学初函》在早期中西文化交流中的意义陈开华——李之藻辑刻《天学初函》370周年纪念

《天学初函》史称“中国天主教第一部丛书”,明李之藻刻于１６２９年。“‘天学’谓天教,即天主教;‘初函’谓拟续刻,由初函而二函三函也。初函所包有二十种分为理编、器编,每编十种,皆利子等所编著。”（１）是书刊刻问世之后,影响颇大。陈垣先生曾言：“《天学初...     

重庆市天主教“两会”学习贯彻《宗教事务条例》

2004年12月19日喜闻温家宝总理于2004年11月30日签署了国务院第426号令暨《宗教事务条例》,江西省天主教的神长、教友为之欢欣鼓舞!当日省天主教"一区两会"立即组织省"两会"驻会负责人和在南昌的神父、修士、修女及省"两会"部分常委对《条例》进行了学习,学习会上宣读了《条例》全文和《人民日     

十年耕耘喜丰收——《中国天主教》创刊十周年志庆

中国天主教爱国会和教务委员会主办的全国性天主教刊物——《中国天主教》创刊至今已经十年了。它是在十年动乱以后,经过我国治理整顿和改革开放政策的实施,出现了安定团结和选取的大好形势下诞生的。也是在全国天主教“两会”作出了“集中力量,办好一个全国性的天主教刊物”的决定后,继承和发展了上海和天津     

培训

天津教区举办教职人员培训班 2003年7月29日至31日,天津教区、“两会”在市宗教局的协助下,组织教职人员学习中国天主教“一会一团”颁布的《中国天主教教区管理制度》、《中国天主教爱国会工作条例》和《中国天主教爱国会与中国天主教主教团主席联席会议制度》。受教区、“两会”的邀请,中国天主教主教团秘书长马英林神父来津作专题辅导报     

书讯

上海天主教光启社编辑的《天主教研究资料汇编》第一辑已于去年十二月份出版,第二辑不久也将问世。《天主教研究资料汇编》是一本介绍天主教宗教知识的综合性文集,辟有“讲道台”、“圣经研究”、“祈祷之页”、“传教经验”、“神学思潮”、“教会礼仪”、“教会历史”、“教会动态”     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.