Young children's numerical competence

In their analysis of numerical competence, Creeno, Riley, and Gelman 1984 distinguish between conceptual, procedural, and utilization competence. Principled knowledge about a domain, for example, counting, serves as the basis of conceptual competence. Conceptual competence does not provide recipes for procedures but does set constraints on the class of procedures that procedural competence can generate. The ability to assess a task correctly (utilization competence) influences performance because it, too, sets constraints on procedure generation. These distinctions allow one to classify the source of erroneous or variable performances on different number tasks. Our hypothesis that early counting behavior is guided by counting principles, despite the child's limited skill, is tested in four experiments with children ranging in age from 3 to 5 years old. The experiments focus on knowledge of the order-irrelevance and cardinal count principles; children either discriminate between erroneous and correct counting efforts of a puppet, assess the effect of counting the same array in different orders, or solve a counting task that has a constraint. The results of these studies allow us to reinterpret evidence others cite against the principle-first hypothesis, and conclude that much development takes place in the name of procedural and utilization competence.     

Young children's haptic exploratory procedures

Adults vary their haptic exploratory behavior reliably with variation both in the sensory input and in the task goals. Little is known about the development of these connections between perceptual goals and exploratory behaviors. A total of 36 children ages 3, 4, and 5 years and 20 adults completed a haptic intramodal match-to-sample task. Participants were instructed to feel the shape, texture, rigidity, or weight of a sample object and then were asked to find which of three test objects matched the sample on that specific property. Hand movements were examined to determine whether children produced the same exploratory procedures while gathering perceptual information about each property as adults who searched for the same kind of information. Children demonstrated that they had good haptic abilities in two ways: They matched the sample objects on the specified perceptual dimension at near ceiling levels, and they produced the same hand movement patterns to find the same properties as adults.     

Young children's understanding of diversity in pretense

Four studies probed preschoolers' understanding of diversity in the domain of pretense. In Study 1, 3- and 4-year-olds were shown video skits in which two characters pretended different things with the same object. To assess preschoolers understanding that the mind is involved in pretense, thought bubbles were superimposed over the actors' heads. Results of this study indicated that both 3- and 4-year-olds appreciate the potential for diversity in pretense, and understand pretense to be a mental activity. Results of Study 2 replicate Study 1, and argue against alternative explanations for participants' good performance in that study. Studies 3 and 4 compared the unique contributions made by dialogs and thought bubbles and revealed that 3-year-olds relied more on actors' mental contents than on their actions or dialogs when reasoning about pretense. Results of the studies are discussed in terms of children's developing understanding of the subjective and mental aspects of pretense, and the implications of this understanding for the development of their understanding of mind more generally.     

Young children's rapid learning about artifacts

Tool use is central to interdisciplinary debates about the evolution and distinctiveness of human intelligence, yet little is actually known about how human conceptions of artifacts develop. Results across these two studies show that even 2-year-olds approach artifacts in ways distinct from captive tool-using monkeys. Contrary to adult intuition, children do not treat all objects with appropriate properties as equally good means to an end. Instead, they use social information to rapidly form enduring artifact categories. After only one exposure to an artifact's functional use, children will construe the tool as 'for' that particular purpose and, furthermore, avoid using it for another feasible purpose. This teleo-functional tendency to categorize tools by intentional use represents a precursor to the design stance - the adult-like tendency to understand objects in terms of intended function - and provides an early foundation for apparently distinctive human abilities in efficient long-term tool use and design.     

Young children's discovery of spatial classification

Around the age of 18 months, children begin to classify objects spatially by kind, placing objects of the same kind close together in space and placing unlike objects apart. This behavior may be symbolic in the sense that children use spatial proximity to represent similarity. We examined the possibility that spatial classification is discovered during play—that the external products of play lead children to use space to represent similarity. Experiment 1 was a longitudinal study of four children's classification behaviors, observed from the age of 16 to 21 months. Results suggest that play with one kind of object to the exclusion of another kind leads to the discovery of spatial classification. Experiment 2 examined how children's tendencies to interact with one category might promote spatial classification of multiple categories. Twenty-four 18-month-old children who did not yet spatially classify objects by kind participated. Children who were given the experience of playing with two kinds of objects in a context that promoted interaction with only one kind were more likely to demonstrate spontaneous spatial classification of multiple kinds in a subsequent test period. Children who played equally with both kinds did not show heightened spontaneous classification. The results further suggest that comparison of different kinds during play is critical to the spontaneous occurrence of spatial classification.     

Young children's understanding of desire formation

Two studies examined preschoolers' appreciation of how mental states arise. In Study 1, children aged 3 to 5 (24 at each age) better understood perception-generated beliefs (e.g., that looking in a certain location generates a belief about the location's content) and attitude-generated desires (e.g., that positive experiences with an activity generate a desire to partake of the activity again) than physiology-generated desires (e.g., that not eating for a long time generates a desire for food). In Study 2, 4- and 5-year-olds (48 at each age) better understood the effects of quantity of experience (e.g., eating a lot vs. a little) than of time of experience (eating just now vs. a long time ago) on physiological states and desires. The findings suggest that whether children reason in more advanced fashion about desires or beliefs depends on which aspects of these mental states are considered.     

Young children's comprehension of number markers

Young children's comprehension of four number markers (demonstratives, regular nouns, third person of the auxiliary be, and regular present tense verbs) was investigated through their presentation in sentences conveying non-redundant information about number. Comprehension of each sentence was tested in two tasks: pointing to one of a pair of line drawings and acting out with toys the action described by a sentence. The results indicated that, firstly, the number information carried by the verb is rarely attended to or mastered before some component of the noun phrase; and, secondly, that the is/are allomorphs of the auxiliary be are mastered much earlier than the singular and plural forms of third-person regular present tense verbs. Both the overall order of difficulty in understanding the four number markers investigated and the analysis of individual data were consistent with the developmental sequence reported by several authors for the acquisition of grammatical morphemes in spontaneous speech production.     

Young children's spontaneous use of geometry in maps

Two experiments tested whether 4-year-old children extract and use geometric information in simple maps without task instruction or feedback. Children saw maps depicting an arrangement of three containers and were asked to place an object into a container designated on the map. In Experiment 1, one of the three locations on the map and the array was distinct and therefore served as a landmark; in Experiment 2, only angle, distance and sense information specified the target container. Children in both experiments used information for distance and angle, but not sense, showing signature error patterns found in adults. Children thus show early, spontaneously developing abilities to detect geometric correspondences between three-dimensional layouts and two-dimensional maps, and they use these correspondences to guide navigation. These findings begin to chart the nature and limits of the use of core geometry in a uniquely human, symbolic task.     

Young children's use of prosody in sentence parsing

Korean children's ability to use prosodic phrasing in sentence comprehension was studied using two types of ambiguity. First, we examined a word-segmentation ambiguity in which placement of the phrasal boundary leads to different interpretations of a sentence. Next, we examined a syntactic ambiguity in which the same words were differently grouped into syntactic phrases by prosodic demarcation. Children aged 3 or 4 years showed that they could use prosodic information to segment utterances and to derive the meaning of ambiguous sentences when the sentences only contained a word-segmentation ambiguity. However, even 5- to 6-year-old children were not able to reliably resolve the second type of ambiguity, an ambiguity of phrasal grouping, by using prosodic information. The results demonstrate that children's difficulties in dealing with structural ambiguity are not due to their inability to use prosodic information.     

Young children's automatic encoding of social categories

The present research investigated young children's automatic encoding of two social categories that are highly relevant to adults: gender and race. Three‐ to 6‐year‐old participants learned facts about unfamiliar target children who varied in either gender or race and were asked to remember which facts went with which targets. When participants made mistakes, they were more likely to confuse targets of the same gender than targets of different genders, but they were equally likely to confuse targets within and across racial groups. However, a social preference measure indicated that participants were sensitive to both gender and race information. Participants with more racial diversity in their social environments were more likely to encode race, but did not have stronger racial preferences. These findings provide evidence that young children do not automatically encode all perceptible features of others. Further, gender may be a more fundamental social category than race.     

Young children's comprehension of similarities underlying metaphor

The comprehension of similarity by forty-eight 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds was investigated using a set of binary choice tasks. These tasks were composed of contrasting concepts that were to be matched to conceptually related target stimuli on the basis of relationships underlying object/personality metaphor, color/personality metaphor, concrete metaphor, taxonomic similarity, and functional association. The youngest children were able to comprehend each of the metaphoric and nonmetaphoric relationships, and this ability improved with age.This article is based on the doctoral dissertation of Victor Broderick (Broderick, 1985),The Development of Metaphor Comprehension in Preschool Children, at the Pennsylvania State University. The author would like to thank the directors and instructors of the Child Development Council of Center County, Childspace, OEO, Punkin Patch, Garden of Children, the Jewish Community Center, Our Children's Center, and Parkforest Montessori School for their cooperation and helpful assistance in recruiting subjects and collecting data on the premises. I would also like to thank David Palermo, Keith Nelson, Robert Seibel, Donka Farkas, Philip Prinz, and Francis Whaley for their input and advice. Finally, I would like to thank those 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds who sat patiently for as much as 60 min, answering unusual questions about monkeys, chocolate, and burned out light bulbs.     

Young children's reports of when learning occurred

This study investigated young children's reports of when learning occurred. A total of 96 4-, 5-, and 6-year-olds were recruited from suburban preschools and elementary schools. The children learned an animal fact and a body movement. A week later, children learned another animal fact and another body movement and then answered questions about when the different learning events occurred. Responses of children who responded correctly to control questions about time supported the hypothesis that temporal distance questions would elicit more correct responses than would temporal location questions. Partial support was also found for the hypothesis that behavior learning would generate more correct reports than would fact learning. Implications for characterizations of children's developing understanding of knowledge and for applications of those characterizations in education and eyewitness testimony are discussed.     

Young children's understanding of cultural common ground

Human social interaction depends on individuals identifying the common ground they have with others, based both on personally shared experiences and on cultural common ground that all members of the group share. We introduced 3‐ and 5‐year‐old children to a culturally well‐known object and a novel object. An experimenter then entered and asked, ‘What is that?’, either as a request for information or in a recognitory way. When she was requesting information, both 3‐ and 5‐year‐olds assumed she was asking about the novel object. When she seemed to recognize an object, 5‐year‐olds assumed she was referring to the culturally well‐known object. Thus, by 3 years of age, children are beginning to understand that they share cultural common ground with other members of their group.     

Young children's use of range-of-reference information in word learning

An important source of information about a new word's meaning (and its associated lexical class) is its range of reference: the number of objects to which it is extended. Ninety toddlers (mean age = 37 months) participated in a study to determine whether young children can use this information in word learning. When a novel word was presented with unambiguous lexical class cues as either a proper name (i.e. 'His name is DAXY') or an adjective (i.e. 'He is very DAXY'), toddlers interpreted it appropriately, regardless of whether it was applied to one or both members of a pair of identical-looking stuffed animals. They restricted a proper name to the designated animal(s); but they generalized an adjective from the labeled animal(s) to a new animal bearing the same property. However, when the word was presented with no specific lexical class cues (i.e. 'DAXY'), toddlers made significantly different interpretations, depending on the number of referents. When the word was applied to one animal, they restricted it to that animal (consistent with a proper name interpretation); when the word was applied to two animals, they generalized it to a new animal with the property (consistent with an adjective or a restricted count noun interpretation). Range-of-reference information thus provided toddlers with a default cue to the meaning (and associated lexical class) of a novel word.     

Young children's evaluations of exclusion in gender-stereotypic peer contexts

This study investigated how 50 preschool children (25 girls, 25 boys) evaluated the appropriateness of excluding boys and girls from two types of activities (doll play, truck play) and two types of future roles (playing a teacher, playing a firefighter) across different exclusion contexts. Children judged straight-forward exclusion from activities on the basis of gender as wrong, even if the child's gender was stereotypical of the activity. Furthermore, they justified these decisions on the basis of moral reasons, such as equality and unfairness. Children used a mixture of moral and social conventional reasoning (including stereotypes), however, to evaluate multifaceted situations that called for judgments about both inclusion and exclusion and that included information about the children's past experience with the activity.     

Young children's problem-solving strategies: An observational study

The purpose of this study was to identify features of young children's behavior that contribute to effective problem solving. Twenty-four 4- and 5-year-old children, half from low SES families and half from high SES families, were observed while performing perceptual/performance cognitive tasks. Frequency of behavior that reflected problem-solving strategies was recorded. Results are discussed in terms of functional variables that are responsible for SES differences in performance. Problem-solving strategy score was associated with 59% of the variance in test performance. Significant SES differences were found in the strategy score, and when specific behavior categories were examined, SES differences were found in four of the five categories (Visual Scanning, Trial and Error Responding, Impulsive Responding, Helpless Confirmation Seeking).     

Young children's understanding of violations of property rights

The present work investigated young children’s normative understanding of property rights using a novel methodology. Two- and 3-year-old children participated in situations in which an actor (1) took possession of an object for himself, and (2) attempted to throw it away. What varied was who owned the object: the actor himself, the child subject, or a third party. We found that while both 2- and 3-year-old children protested frequently when their own object was involved, only 3-year-old children protested more when a third party’s object was involved than when the actor was acting on his own object. This suggests that at the latest around 3 years of age young children begin to understand the normative dimensions of property rights.     

Young children's understanding of belief constraints on intention

One important characteristic of rational action is that our intentions should be consistent with our beliefs. That is, an intention to perform an action should normally be accompanied by a belief that the action will in fact be performed, and be supported by other relevant beliefs. Thus, if the intention is unfulfilled it will have been accompanied by false beliefs. Two studies examined whether 3-year-olds understand these belief constraints on intention. Children were shown films in which actors displayed great surprise and sadness at their failure to bring about the outcomes they intended and expected. They were then questioned about the actors' unfulfilled intentions and false beliefs. In both studies their understanding of unfulfilled intentions was excellent, and significantly better than their understanding of false beliefs. Nevertheless, they also revealed considerable understanding of the beliefs underpinning intentions and, in Study 2, their performance in terms of such beliefs was significantly better than that on standard false-belief tasks. Three-year-olds thus appear to have a threshold understanding of the role of belief in intentional action.     

Mothers and day-care teachers: Young children's perceptions

Young children's perceptions of the roles of mothers and day-care teachers were explored in a study using artists' sketches depicting a woman and a child in a variety of functions and emotional interactions. Fifty-seven 5-year-old children were interviewed. Twenty-five of these children were interviewed again approximately 10 days later to measure stability of responses. Young children apparently perceive their mothers and day-care teachers performing similar caregiving, guidance and developmental functions. Intensity of children's feelings still leans toward mother as the major figure in physical, intellectual, social and emotional development. Thus, the mother-child bond is apparently not threatened by a quality day-care experience. Stability measurements demonstrated that the interview procedure was a reliable investigative approach.