《太平经》易学思想渊源考论

《太平经》是早期道教重要文献,易学思想是其中很重要的一部分。《太平经》中共有38处直接引用《周易》经传原文或化用了易理,《周易》中的天数地数学说则是《太平经》中世界构造的理论依据之一。《太平经》又吸收借鉴了京房易学的阴阳消长理论来阐释世界万物的运行,并以八卦休王说对其世界运行观念作了补充。汉代易学中的爻辰说、八卦方位、十二辟卦学说也为《太平经》解释世界提供了一些依据。《太平经》借易学符号而提出了重德轻刑的政治观点。     

《周易》预测中的方法论思考

《周易》预测中的方法论思考邱文山《周易》中的预测方法，经历代易学家的丰富和发展，已成为一个比较系统的体系，本文拟就其预测方法论方面发表自己的一孔之见，以求正于方家。一、《周易》预测中的“观象取物”方法《周易》的思维方式是中国古典辩证思维的源头，它以物...     

《周易》与传统语言学

《周易》作为一部先秦重要哲学著作,对传统语言学文字、训诂、音韵、修辞等部门有多方面的贡献和深远的影响。一、关于文字学先秦时期,对汉字从结构上进行分析,《左传》已有“止戈为武”、“反正为乏”、“皿虫为蛊”,把这种分析总结为汉字结构规律是《周礼·地官》所说的“六书”。关于文字起源问题的探讨则与《周易》相联系。由《周易》推衍出的“结绳说”、“八卦说”、“河图洛书说”,在文字学史上有一定的地位。     

《周易》思想与文化传播——以道教和西南少数民族禹步为例

《周易》是中华传统文化的组成部分,是道家道教思想的重要来源.《周易》中有关乾坤、卦的思想,是道教和西南少数民族禹步的理论基础.论文以道教和西南少数民族禹步为例,详细考察其宗教法术蕴涵的《周易》思想,指出道教和西南少数民族宗教法师的禹步,其科仪始终按九宫八卦布局行法,此深得《周易》思想天人关系的精要.作为仪式中具有宗教象征意义的《周易》八卦符号,表达出中华先民对自然界阴阳运动规律的认识.     

《易传》的辩证逻辑思想

中国具有非常深远的善于辩证思维的传统,而《周易》则是其最初的源头。《周易》分为《经》和《传》两大部分。成书于西周初年的《易经》,由八卦重叠组合而形成六十四卦。八卦是由“一”和“--”两个具有对立性质的符号排列组合而成的。这表明《易经》试图用两个对立性质的符号以及它们之间的排列组合来概括自然界和人类社     

《周易》研究十年

回顾《周易》研究十年,各类报刊发表研究文章涉及的论题主要有易学史;易的哲学思想;易与社会伦理道德及自然科学、现代管理决策的关系等。现将十年来《易》研究的成果简略述介如下。对《易》学史以及《周易》成书问题的研究关于《易》的起源问题普遍认为《易》起源于八卦,但关于八卦起源却众说纷纭,综合起来主要是三种观点:八卦起源于阴阳,阴阳是古人对自然观察认识的产物,是自然之象的产物,八卦起源于“象”;八卦来源于原始时代的筮数,是从甲骨文中的数字卦演变而来的,是筮数的符号化,八卦起源于“数”;八卦起源于“象”“数”的统一。对于史学阶段的划分主要从三个角度来探讨,一种是按对《易》本身的研究阶段来划分的,认为易学史分为四个阶段,《易经》——《易传》——王弼玄学——理学——清末。     

《周易》起源于“占月术”—兼论《易》的文化背景

《周易》起源于“占月术”—兼论《易》的文化背景张文《周易》，或单称《易》，传为上古卜筮书，其基本特征是八卦。关于它的起源问题，学界历来争论不休。本文拟在前人研究基础上，对八卦的起源及作《易》的文化背景问题提些新的看法。不妥之处，乞教于方家。一、周易解...     

京房易学思想述评（下）

京房易学思想述评（下）崔波＜三＞、五行说在八卦卦序的基础上,京房调整了孟喜的卦气结构,又吸取了《说卦》、《礼记·月令》和《天文训》中的资料,把易卦与气候、干支、星宿、五行相配,交织成一个庞大的世界图式。其中,以五行配易卦,用以解说《周易》经传,是前所...     

道教禹步与周易论析

周易是中华传统文化的组成部分,是道家道教思想的重要来源。《周易》中的八卦卦象,是道教禹步法术的理论基础。论文考察道教禹步法术蕴涵的周易思想,认为禹步按九宫八卦布局行法,并随科仪变化而有不同的罡步,此深得周易天人关系思想的精要。禹步罡单的周易八卦图形,是斋醮中具有象征意义的符号,表达出中华先民对自然界阴阳运动规律的认识。     

论《周易》中的"行"

动与行同义。《周易·系辞》上说:“动静有常,刚柔断矣。”《周易》中有“天行”,有“终则有始”、“消息盈虚”、“反复其道”等特点。“利涉大川”属于“天行”。行动合于天时,故曰“时行”。动而合于天道,故曰“中行”。又有“志行”与“独行”, 守道不回之义。“果行”指勇决。“上行”指遵循天理。另外,还有“说行”与“安行”,皆与“吉行”同义。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.