Kill the Song—Steal the Show: What Does Distinguish Predicative Metaphors From Decomposable Idioms?

This study examined the semantic processing difference between decomposable idioms and novel predicative metaphors. It was hypothesized that idiom comprehension results from the retrieval of a figurative meaning stored in memory, that metaphor comprehension requires a sense creation process and that this process difference affects the processing time of idiomatic and metaphoric expressions. In the first experiment, participants read sentences containing decomposable idioms, predicative metaphors or control expressions and performed a lexical decision task on figurative targets presented 0, 350, and 500 ms, or 750 after reading. Results demonstrated that idiomatic expressions were processed sooner than metaphoric ones. In the second experiment, participants were asked to assess the meaningfulness of idiomatic, metaphoric and literal expressions after reading a verb prime that belongs to the target phrase (identity priming). The results showed that verb identity priming was stronger for idiomatic expressions than for metaphor ones, indicating different mental representations.     

Contextual effects on metaphor comprehension in reading

Subjects read target sentences preceded by either short or long context that induced either a metaphoric or a literal target reading. As had been found by Ortony, Schallert, Reynolds, and Antos (1978), metaphoric targets were comprehended about as quickly as literals when context was long, but more slowly than literals when context was short. The latter result may have been due to the failure of computing a conceptual relationship between short context and metaphoric target; targets unrelated to prior context took as long to comprehend as metaphoric targets. Another experiment showed that metaphorically expressed targets were read more quickly when they followed metaphorically expressed context than when they followed literal context, but literal targets were read quickest when they followed literal context. These results are discussed within a schema framework and within a “process priming” hypothesis.     

汉语隐喻理解时程的ERPs研究

摘 要 本研究使用ERPs技术考察隐喻句与本义句理解时程的异同,以研究汉语隐喻的理解机制。以句尾范式向被试随机呈现本义句、熟悉隐喻句、新奇隐喻句及错误义句各50句,被试的任务为判断每句话是否有意义。结果显示：两种隐喻句诱发的N400波形与头皮分布情况和本义句无明显差异,且两种隐喻句诱发的N400波幅高于本义句。本研究结果证明汉语隐喻义和本义理解的认知机制类似,支持隐喻理解的平行加工假说,且加工隐喻义需要耗费更多的认知资源。     

Understanding metaphors: Is the right hemisphere uniquely involved?

Two divided visual field priming experiments examined cerebral asymmetries for understanding metaphors varying in sentence constraint. Experiment 1 investigated ambiguous words (e.g., SWEET and BRIGHT) with literal and metaphoric meanings in ambiguous and unambiguous sentence contexts, while Experiment 2 involved standard metaphors (e.g., The drink you gave me was a meteor) with sententially consistent and inconsistent targets (i.e., POTENT vs COMET). Similar literal and metaphor priming effects were found in both visual fields across most experimental conditions. However, RH processes also maintained activation of sententially inconsistent literal meanings following metaphoric expressions. These results do not strongly support the RH as the preferred substrate for metaphor comprehension (e.g., ), and suggest that processes in both hemispheres can support metaphor comprehension, although not via identical mechanisms. The LH may utilize sentence constraint to select and integrate only contextually relevant literal and metaphoric meanings, whereas the RH may be less sensitive to sentence context and can maintain the activation of some alternative interpretations. This may be potentially useful in situations where an initial understanding must be revised.     

Metaphoric advertisement comprehension: The role of the cerebral hemispheres

Currently little is known about how implicit processes (i.e., cognitive processes that consumers are unaware of) are utilized as consumers read metaphoric advertisements. The field of cognitive neuroscience can help marketers better understand consumers' implicit processing by examining how each cerebral hemisphere uniquely contributes during metaphoric advertisement comprehension. A right hemisphere advantage has been demonstrated during metaphoric language processing; however, it is unclear how each hemisphere of the brain processes metaphors used in advertisements. This study combines the fields of marketing and cognitive neuroscience to investigate the hemispheric processing of metaphoric advertisements. Through the use of the divided visual field paradigm, participants read metaphor, literal, or neutral slogans and responded to related target words presented to either the left visual field‐right hemisphere or the right visual field‐left hemisphere. As predicted, there was a right hemisphere advantage, compared to the left hemisphere, for metaphoric slogans. Additionally, greater facilitation was evident in the right hemisphere for literal slogans compared to metaphoric slogans. Metaphoric messages were also remembered better than literal ones. These findings provide an in‐depth account of how consumers implicitly process messages, suggesting an important role of the right hemisphere during the comprehension of both metaphoric and literal messages. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Deriving meaning: Distinct neural mechanisms for metaphoric, literal, and non-meaningful sentences

In this study, we used a novel cognitive paradigm and event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging (ER-fMRI) to investigate the neural substrates involved in processing three different types of sentences. Participants read either metaphoric (Some surgeons are butchers), literal (Some surgeons are fathers), or non-meaningful sentences (Some surgeons are shelves) and had to decide whether they made sense or not. We demonstrate that processing of the different sentence types relied on distinct neural mechanisms. Activation of the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG), BA 47, was shared by both non-meaningful and metaphoric sentences but not by literal sentences. Furthermore, activation of the left thalamus appeared to be specifically involved in deriving meaning from metaphoric sentences despite lack of reaction times differences between literals and metaphors. We assign this to the ad hoc concept construction and open-endedness of metaphoric interpretation. In contrast to previous studies, our results do not support the view the right hemispheric is specifically involved in metaphor comprehension.     

Stimulus needs are a moving target: 240 additional matched literal and metaphorical sentences for testing neural hypotheses about metaphor

As the cognitive neuroscience of metaphor has evolved, so too have the theoretical questions of greatest interest. To keep pace with these developments, in the present study we generated a large set of metaphoric and literal sentence pairs ideally suited to addressing the current methodological and conceptual needs of metaphor researchers. In particular, the need has emerged to distinguish metaphors along three dimensions: the grammatical class of their base terms, the sensorimotor features of their base terms, and the syntactic form in which the base terms appear. To meet this need, we generated nominal metaphors (and matched literal sentences) using entity nouns as the base terms, with the intention that they be used in concert with already published sets of predicate metaphors or nominal metaphors using event nouns. Using the results of three norming experiments, we provide 120 pairs of closely matched metaphoric and literal sentences that are characterized along 14 dimensions: 11 at the sentence level (length, frequency, concreteness, familiarity, naturalness, imageability, figurativeness, interpretability, ease of interpretation, valence, and valence judgment reaction time), and three related to the base term (visual, motion, and auditory imagery). These items extend previously published stimuli, filling an extant gap in metaphor research and allowing for tests of new behavioral and neural hypotheses about metaphor.     

Semantic context influences memory for verbs more than memory for nouns

Three experiments revealed that memory for verbs is more dependent on semantic context than is memory for nouns. The participants in Experiment 1 were asked to remember either nouns or verbs from intransitive sentences. A recognition test included verbatim sentences, sentences with an old noun and a new verb, sentences with an old verb and a new noun, and entirely new sentences. Memory for verbs was significantly better when the verb was presented with the same noun at encoding and at retrieval. This contextual effect was much smaller for nouns. Experiments 2 and 3 replicated this effect and provided evidence that context effects reflect facilitation from bringing to mind the same meaning of a verb at encoding and at retrieval. Memory for verbs may be more dependent on semantic context because the meanings of verbs are more variable across semantic contexts than are the meanings of nouns.     

Automatic and attentional processes in the comprehension of unfamiliar metaphors

The present study employed priming techniques to investigate whether unfamiliar metaphors are understood automatically, or whether controlled processes are required for comprehension. Priming sentences were presented to 76 participants in a naming task and vocal RT (reaction time) to target words was recorded. Target words were associates of the 120 metaphors used in the stimulus set. SOA (stimulus onset asynchrony) was manipulated in order to permit the measurement of both automatic and attentional priming (375ms, 750ms, and 1,500ms). Four priming conditions enabled a comparison between metaphoric, literal, and neutral contexts, and an unrelated (baseline) condition. The data revealed a strong priming effect for metaphors at an SOA of 1,500ms, but no effects at either of the shorter SOAs. These results indicate that, in the absence of supporting context, unfamiliar metaphors are not processed automatically. Comprehension of such linguistic phenomena apparently requires attentional processing. The findings have implications for direct processing theories of metaphor comprehension.     

Automatic and attentional processes in the comprehension of unfamiliar metaphors

The present study employed priming techniques to investigate whether unfamiliar metaphors are understood automatically, or whether controlled processes are required for comprehension. Priming sentences were presented to 76 participants in a naming task and vocal RT (reaction time) to target words was recorded. Target words were associates of the 120 metaphors used in the stimulus set. SOA (stimulus onset asynchrony) was manipulated in order to permit the measurement of both automatic and attentional priming (375ms, 750ms, and 1,500ms). Four priming conditions enabled a comparison between metaphoric, literal, and neutral contexts, and an unrelated (baseline) condition. The data revealed a strong priming effect for metaphors at an SOA of 1,500ms, but no effects at either of the shorter SOAs. These results indicate that, in the absence of supporting context, unfamiliar metaphors are not processed automatically. Comprehension of such linguistic phenomena apparently requires attentional processing. The findings have implications for direct processing theories of metaphor comprehension.     

Lexical representations of written nouns and verbs in Italian

This study investigates the differences in the input representations of verbs and nouns in the Italian mental lexicon. One visual lexical decision experiment in which the stem homograph effect (Laudanna, Badecker, and Caramazza, 1989) was evaluated on noun and verb targets is reported. Strong inhibitory effects on verb targets preceded by stem homographs relative to nonhomographic word pairs were found. The effects on verb targets were also much more reliable than the effects on noun targets. The pattern of results provides support for the hypothesis that noun and verbs are differently represented in the orthographic input lexicon.     

The noun-verb problem in Chinese aphasia.

Previous studies have shown that Broca's aphasics experience a selective difficulty with action naming inside or outside of a sentence context. Conversely, it has been suggested that Wernicke's aphasics are particularly impaired in object naming. A number of explanations have been offered to account for this double dissociation, including grammatical accounts according to which the main verb problem in agrammatic Broca's aphasics is viewed as a by-product of their syntactic and/or morphological impairment, due perhaps to the greater morphological load carried by verbs (compared with nouns). In the Chinese language, there are no verb conjugations and no declensions. Hence there is no reason to expect a relationship between morphological impairment and deficits in action naming. We examined comprehension and production of object and action names, outside of a sentence context, in a sample of Chinese-speaking Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics. There was an interaction between patient group and object/action naming, but no corresponding interaction on the comprehension task. We conclude that action-naming deficits in Broca's aphasia (and/or the corresponding sparing of action names in Wernicke's aphasia) cannot be attributed to morphological differences between nouns and verbs. We also found a sublexical variant of the noun/verb dissociation applied to the internal structure of compound words made up of a verbal and a nominal element: Broca's aphasics tended to lexicalize the verbal portion of these words more often than the nominal compound, while Wernicke's showed the opposite pattern. These sublexical effects are difficult to explain in syntactic terms nor do they fit the standard lexical view. A modified lexical account is proposed, emphasizing semantic/conceptual effects in a distributed lexicon.     

Topic—vehicle interaction in metaphor comprehension

Property comparison models of metaphor comprehension assume that the topic and vehicle terms in metaphors are both understood to be referring to their conventional literal referents. In contrast, the interactive property attribution model (Glucksberg, McGlone, & Manfredi, 1997) assumes that the vehicle is understood to be referring to a metaphoric category that includes the topic's literal referent as a member. A priming paradigm was used to test the implications of these different models. Prior to interpreting a metaphor, participants read (1) the topic or vehicle concept alone, (2) a sentence ascribing a metaphor-relevant property to one concept, or (3) a sentence ascribing a metaphor-irrelevant property to one concept. All of the prime types facilitated metaphor comprehension with the exception of sentences ascribing metaphor-irrelevant properties to vehicles. The failure of these sentences (but not their topic counterparts) to facilitate metaphor comprehension is attributable to their priming an inappropriate literal interpretation of the vehicle term. These results are consistent with the claim that irrelevant information is suppressed during language comprehension (Gernsbacher, 1990) and support the interactive property attribution model.     

The role of grammatical class on word recognition

The double dissociation between noun and verb processing, well documented in the neuropsychological literature, has not been supported in imaging studies. Recent imaging studies, in fact, suggest that once confounding with semantics is eliminated, grammatical class effects only emerge as a consequence of building frames. Here we assess this hypothesis behaviorally in two visual word recognition experiments. In Experiment 1, participants made lexical decisions on verb targets. We manipulated the grammatical class of the prime words (either nouns or verbs and always introduced in a minimal phrasal context, i.e., “the + N” or “to + V”), and their semantic similarity to a target (related vs. unrelated). We found reliable effects of grammatical class, and no interaction with semantic similarity. Experiment 2 further explored this grammatical class effect, using verb targets preceded by semantically unrelated verb vs. noun primes. In one condition, prime words were presented as bare words; in the other, they were presented in the minimal phrasal context used in Experiment 1. Grammatical class effects only arose in the latter but not in the former condition thus providing evidence that word recognition does not recruit grammatical class information unless it is provided to the system.     

Neuroanatomically separable effects of imageability and grammatical class during single-word comprehension

The present study characterizes the neural correlates of noun and verb imageability and addresses the question of whether components of the neural network supporting word recognition can be separately modified by variations in grammatical class and imageability. We examined the effect of imageability on BOLD signal during single-word comprehension of nouns and verbs. Subjects made semantic similarity judgments while undergoing functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). Nouns and verbs were matched on imageability, and imageability varied continuously within a grammatical category. We observed three anatomically separable effects: a main effect of grammatical class, a main effect of imageability, and an imageability by grammatical class cross-over interaction. The left superior parietal lobule and a region in the left fusiform responded similarly to increases in noun and verb imageability; the left superior temporal gyrus showed greater activity for verbs than nouns after imageability was matched across grammatical class; and, in both the left middle temporal gyrus and the left inferior frontal lobe, a decrease in noun but not verb imageability resulted in higher BOLD signal. The presence of reliable and anatomically separable main effects of both imageability and grammatical class renders unlikely the hypothesis that previously reported dissociations between nouns and verbs can be dismissed as imageability effects. However, some regions previously thought to respond to grammatical class or imageability instead respond to the interaction of these variables.     

言语产生和理解中汉语个体量词的通达

个体量词是汉语的特色词类,是名词的限定词。关于个体量词的通达,目前主要有两种假说：直接选择假说和间接选择假说。实验1和实验2采用图词干扰范式考察了名词短语和简单名词产生中个体量词的通达。实验3采用启动范式考察了言语理解中个体量词的通达。结果表明,无论是在言语产生中,还是在言语理解中,都存在量词一致性效应：当启动词和目标词量词一致时反应时短,错误率亦低。整个研究表明,个体量词的通达涉及个体名词系统和个体量词系统,涉及双向选择的组合网络。个体量词的通达是直接选择和间接选择的有机结合。个体量词在名词短语产生的早期就得到了通达。     

Parafoveal pragmatics revisited

The results of two experiments are reported, examining eye movements as participants read the initial sentence in a sentence‐matching task. The sentences employed had a NP1‐verb‐NP2 construction and the pragmatic plausibility of the relationship between the verb and the two nouns was independently manipulated. The aim of the first experiment was to investigate the claim that the plausibility of a NP1‐verb relationship influences reading time on NP1 even before the verb is directly inspected. The data confirm the existence of such “parafoveal pragmatic” effects, but suggest that sublexical properties of the particular nouns employed may also exert a parafoveal effect on foveal processing. Experiment 2 was carried out as a control. A contingent presentation procedure ensured that the critical verb remained masked until it was directly inspected. Parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects exerted by the verb were removed by this procedure, although effects relating to properties of the nouns remained. The results confirm the presence of processing interactions involving sublexical properties of the two nouns, even though these were quite widely separated. Overall, the results of the two experiments suggest that, for this task, there is a genuine parafoveal‐on‐foveal effect attributable to purely pragmatic relationships involving the initial noun and verb in the sentences employed. In addition, there is evidence of longer range parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects of orthographic properties of the words employed.     

Enhanced left frontal involvement during novel metaphor comprehension in schizophrenia: Evidence from functional neuroimaging

The neural basis involved in novel metaphor comprehension in schizophrenia is relatively unknown. Fourteen people with schizophrenia and fourteen controls were scanned while they silently read novel metaphors, conventional metaphors, literal expressions, and meaningless word-pairs. People with schizophrenia showed reduced comprehension of both novel and conventional metaphors. Furthermore, while controls showed enhanced brain activation in right inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) for novel metaphors versus meaningless word-pairs, people with schizophrenia showed an over-activation of left IFG and middle frontal gyrus (MFG). Direct comparison between the groups revealed greater activation in left precuneus for both novel metaphors and literal expressions vs. baseline for individuals with schizophrenia. Direct comparison for novel metaphors vs. literal expressions also revealed increased activation for individuals with schizophrenia in left MFG. These results suggest that the inefficient processing of novel metaphors in schizophrenia involves compensatory recruitment of additional brain regions that include the left MFG and left precuneus.