美丽而险恶的歧途——从身体的自动说起

去年夏天《自由人报》发表过某君的“自动功”一文。秋天,杨研君又在《天文台》上,发表了“神功奇术”与“再谈神功”。自动功与神功的内容,大致相同,都是经静心的修习,引起身体上的不由自主的运动。最近廖德珍居士来看我,说到他从信佛（家中供有观音像）的某翁,学习一种坐功,引发身体不自主的运动。他问起：这到底是佛法,还是外道？这可见,身体不自主的运动,也在宝岛流行开来。当时我作了一番简要的解说,现在把它写出来,又补充一些,披露出来,免得正信的佛弟子,或者误会了而走入歧途。身体上不由自主的运动,在宗教或非宗教…     

“神药”为何不给自家服

李洪志说修炼“法轮大法”可以百病全消,不进医院,但自己有病不仅找医生,而且动手术。就在他自称已成为法轮功大师之后,仍然要去服药,看病。这样,“法轮大法”的效用如何,也就一目了然。 无独有偶。被尊为“神医”的胡万林,自称发明了包治百病的“生命医学运动疗法”,不管患什么病的的病人,只要服了他从大缸中舀出的中药汤剂加上他信手抓的一把芒硝,服用他发过功的白     

揭穿气功减肥的骗局

减肥瘦身保持苗条是很多女性热衷的话题,各种减肥药、减肥秘诀层出不穷。前不久,在湖南长沙出现了一个“气功大师”,声称只要喝“神水”发“神功”就能终身减肥,这是怎么回事呢?     

"大气功师"的特异功能

“大气功师”简历 “大气功师”本名叫张宏堡,他于1954年1月5日生于哈尔滨。在成为“大气功师”之前,本也无甚特别之处,曾是黑河某金矿的一个干部,1985年到北京钢铁学院(现称北京科技大学)进修时,正赶上中国流行气功、气功大师满天飞的时候,于是,早就想在北京立足的张宏堡终于看到了自己的希望。在匆匆地学了一些气功方法之后,自己也编造了一套“中华养生益智功”功法,宣布自己“出山”,于1987年开始在北京各高校及国家机关、科研单位等进行教授气功活动。 与众多气功大师不同的是,张宏堡是一个精明的人,他的目的并非是靠气功发个财什么的,他有许     

上帝是至高者——我脱离“法轮功”的经历

我现在是基督徒了。在邪教“法轮功”的猖獗的日子里,自己曾一头栽倒在上面。 1988年我因生病,回上海就医,我姐姐的婆婆是个基督徒,她介绍我买了圣经和诗本,我便带回十堰,但我看不进去,学着祷告也没有感动,就束之高阁了。由于身体一直欠佳,就开始寻医问药,同时也开始学练各种功法,如“道光功”、“香功”,都很投入,但感到没有效果,也就不练了。1996年底,我     

福报与机缘

记得1996年时途经香港,曾拜访了一位常怀报国之志的大师级学者。大师对将来谁接朴老的班十分关心。当时他虽比朴老年轻十几岁,但也是年逾古稀的老人,睿智襟怀,使他并不违言生老病死,而且特别关注“我们这一代人走了之后……”的趋向。他热心地讲出一位大善知识的名字,郑重地反复叮咛我,一定要转告朴老,他建议选这个人来接班。     

忙碌的菩萨

有几篇新闻报道,一篇是关于“春都”集团启用“算命大师”,听信谗言,不惜花重金改造厂门,办公室朝向等,甚至全体中层以上干部都被安排听“大师”们讲“意念”。当然,每次给大师讲课费用也不会太少。结果,使原本就人不敷出的资金更加短缺。另一篇是说山西一家煤矿发生事故,27名井下工人丧生,检查事故原因时发现,该矿没有任何安全措施,而该矿老板却花费近万元建了一个供“窑神”的庙,每逢初一、十五该矿老板还要亲自入庙上香。还有一篇来自湖北潜江的报道,说的是一位11岁的小女孩     

李洪志伪“法轮功”的要害是“灵魂不灭”

李洪志的“法轮功”是对佛家“小法轮功”和“大法轮功”的歪曲篡改。他吹嘘其伪“法轮功”不但超过了佛家的法轮功,还超过了子午周天和卯酉周天功,美其名日“法轮周天法”。这一功法的特点是,修炼是无为,没有任何意念活动,全靠他给你下的现成的“法轮”。修练的结果是人的肉体没有了,灵魂出壳了,生命“圆满”了。     

略谈道家功法修真入门

道家功法,从北五祖、南五祖,至七真师祖,已有一套完整的性命双修功法,既是金液还丹,也是九转还丹法。其功理功法是以阴阳的造化,用清、浊、动、静、降本流末,而生万物的原理,以顺逆颠倒之法。顺去生人,逆来生仙。生仙也有十月怀胎,三年乳哺,九年调婴。丹经有云:“炼己无限,修仙有程。”炼己者即是从筑基到炼     

百万元算什么?

去年五月,司马南出资百万人民币,,美国魔术大师出资百万美元悬赏“特异功能人”。时至今日,这“双百万”重奖无人问津。一种解释是:并非“江南无才子”,而是“大师”们对这区区百万看不上眼。 大师捞钱,各有高招,何苦来领你这牢什子,弄不好还得上税。试看: “自然中心功”大师张香玉,一九九○年春在北京北太     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.