Effects of level of processing on memory for affectively valenced words

In this study we tested whether subjects remember affectively valenced stimuli better than neutral stimuli when their attention is not focused on the affective charge of the stimuli during encoding. We tested memory for positive, negative, and neutral words in three memory tasks and using two encoding conditions (physical and semantic). Our results show that subjects remember affectively valenced stimuli better than neutral stimuli when they encode them according to their emotional content as well as to other features of the stimuli. However, although both positive and negative words are better remembered than neutral ones when semantically encoded, only positive words are better remembered than neutral ones when physically encoded. These results suggest that the affective charge of a stimulus (especially when positive) can affect retention even when a subject's attention has not focused on it during encoding.     

Understanding the object benefit in visual short-term memory: the roles of feature proximity and connectedness

Past research has identified visual objects as the units of information processing in visual short-term memory (VSTM) and has shown that two features from the same object can be remembered in VSTM as well (or almost as well) as one feature of that object and are much better remembered than the same two features from two spatially separated objects. It is not clear, however, what drives this object benefit in VSTM. Is it the shared spatial location (proximity), the connectedness among features of an object, or both? In six change detection experiments, both location/proximity and connectedness were found to be crucial in determining the magnitude of the object benefit in VSTM. Together, these results indicate that location/proximity and connectedness are essential elements in defining a coherent visual object representation in VSTM.     

Event-related potentials of emotional memory: encoding pleasant,unpleasant, and neutral pictures

Emotional events tend to be remembered better than nonemotional events. We investigated this phenomenon by measuring two event-related potential (ERP) effects: the emotion effect (more positive ERPs for pleasant or unpleasant stimuli than for neutral stimuli) and the subsequent memory effect (more positive ERPs for subsequently remembered items than for subsequently forgotten items). ERPs were measured while subjects rated the emotional content of pleasant, unpleasant, and neutral pictures. As was expected, subsequent recall was better for pleasant and unpleasant pictures than for neutral pictures. The emotion effect was sensitive to arousal in parietal electrodes and to both arousal and valence in frontocentral electrodes. The subsequent memory effect at centroparietal electrodes was greater for emotional pictures than for neutral pictures during an early epoch (400-600 msec). This result suggests that emotional information has privileged access to processing resources, possibly leading to better memory formation.     

Memory for Objects and Faces by the Mentally Retarded and Nonretarded

Visual recognition skills of 26 mentally retarded high school students were compared with the skills of two groups of nonretarded students. All groups were taught to recognize 32 target faces and objects and were retested 1 week, 1 month, and 2 months later. The counterintuitive findings were that there were no significant differences between the retarded and nonretarded groups in memory for faces on any of the retest trials. All groups remembered faces significantly better than they did objects and remembered more of the pictures at 1 week than they did at 1 month or at 2 months. There was no significant loss over time in memory for faces. Relative to nonretarded subjects, the retarded subjects exhibited deficits in encoding and remembering objects but showed no such deficits in encoding and remembering faces. The results suggest that different configurational features may be used to encode objects as opposed to faces.     

面孔再认能力性别差异的实验研究

采用“学习—再认”范式,以有或无外部特征的不同性别面孔照片为材料,研究面孔记忆的性别差异,结果表明：（1）有外部特征时,女性被试对不同性别面孔的记忆成绩均好于男性被试;无外部特征时,女性被试与男性被试的记忆成绩不存在性别差异;（2）比起男性照片,女性可记忆更多的女性照片,表明女性在面孔记忆中存在自我性别偏见;男性也是可记忆更多的女性照片,存在反向的性别偏向;（3）无论被试性别和照片性别,均是有外部特征的面孔照片的记忆效果更好;有外部特征的情况下,女性的自我性别偏见更明显。     

Generating makes words memorable,but so does effective reading

In many experiments, memorial benefits have been found when subjects generate items from fragments rather than read items in their complete forms. Does generation cause-this-difference, or are subjects disposed to adopt different strategies when generating as opposed to reading? If generating causes the difference, items processed in the same way apart from a generative stage should therefore benefit from that generative stage. Our experiments did result in benefits for generating as opposed to reading, but only when the readers processed the words poorly—by pronouncing them. When the readers processed the items well, by imagining them, generating was no better than reading. A new generation effect was found in meta memory. Subjects thought they would remember more generated items than read items; however, the act of making the prediction entailed meaningful processing, and the generated items were not actually remembered better than the read ones.     

Reconstructing Dates of True and False Autobiographical Memories

Two subjects kept records of everyday events and thoughts over a 5 month period. Each day both true and false records were created. Seven months later, the subjects attempted to recognise each diary entry and to judge whether it referred to a true or false record. The subjects also dated each entry believed to be true and provided various ratings, including the nature of memory awareness associated with the recognition judgement. Those items remembered correctly as true were dated more accurately than items incorrectly remembered as true (false memories). However, even false memories that is, self-convincing lies were consistently dated better than chance. Furthermore, events were dated more accurately than thoughts, and items that were recollectively experienced were associated with enhanced dating accuracy. These findings are at odds with the notion of temporal traces or tags and instead support the reconstructive nature of temporal knowledge in autobiographical memory.     

Encoding color and shape from different parts of an object in visual short-term memory

Can we find an object-based encoding benefit in visual short-term memory (VSTM) when the features to be remembered are from different parts of an object? Using object parts defined by either figure-ground separation or negative minima of curvature, results from five experiments in which the visual change detection paradigm was used showed that the object-based encoding benefit in VSTM is modulated by how features are assigned to parts of an object: Features are best retained when the color and shape features to be remembered belong to the same part of an object. Although less well retained in comparison, features from different parts of an object are still better remembered than features from spatially separated objects. An object-based feature binding therefore exists even when the color and shape features to be remembered are from different parts of an object.     

Encoding information for future action: Memory for to-be-performed tasks versus memory for to-be-recalled tasks

What is the nature of the representation underlying memory for future tasks such as calling the doctor or buying milk? If this representation consists of a verbal instruction that is translated into action at the time of retrieval, then memory should be better when tested via verbatim recall of the instruction than when tested via actual performance. Three experiments rejected this possibility, indicating better memory for a perform mode of report than for a recall mode of report. This was true in Experiment 1 in which subjects saw a series of verbal instructions (e.g., “move the eraser,” “lift the cup,” “touch the ashtray”), with advance information regarding the mode of report required during testing. In Experiment 2, the advance cue was valid only in 75% of the trials. Memory depended more heavily on the expected mode of report thanon the actual mode ofreport, suggesting that the perform superiority is due to processes that occur during encoding. In Experiment 3, subjects learned 20 phrases depicting minitasks were remembered by subjects tested via performance than by subjects tested via verbatim recall. A second part of Experiment 3 also indicated superior memory when a perform test was expected, regardless of which mode of report was actually required. The results were compared with the finding that subject-performed tasks are better remembered thanare their verbal instructions, which suggeststhat the representation underlying memory for future assignments-may-take advantage of the imaginal-enactive properties ofthe envisagedacts. Other possible differences between memory for to-be-recalled tasks and memory for to-be-performed tasks are discussed.     

Long-term memory for music: infants remember tempo and timbre

We show that infants' long-term memory representations for melodies are not just reduced to the structural features of relative pitches and durations, but contain surface or performance tempo- and timbre-specific information. Using a head turn preference procedure, we found that after a one week exposure to an old English folk song, infants preferred to listen to a novel folk song, indicating that they remembered the familiarized melody. However, if the tempo (25% faster or slower) or instrument timbre (harp vs. piano) of the familiarized melody was changed at test, infants showed no preference, indicating that they remembered the specific tempo and timbre of the melodies. The results are consistent with an exemplar-based model of memory in infancy rather than one in which structural features are extracted and performance features forgotten.     

The properties of retrieval cues constrain the picture superiority effect

In three experiments, we examined why pictures are remembered better than words on explicit memory tests like recall and recognition, whereas words produce more priming than pictures on some implicit tests, such as word-fragment and word-stem completion (e.g., completing -l-ph-nt or ele----- as elephant). One possibility is that pictures are always more accessible than words if subjects are given explicit retrieval instructions. An alternative possibility is that the properties of the retrieval cues themselves constrain the retrieval processes engaged; word fragments might induce data-driven (perceptually based) retrieval, which favors words regardless of the retrieval instructions. Experiment 1 demonstrated that words were remembered better than pictures on both the word-fragment and word-stem completion tasks under both implicit and explicit retrieval conditions. In Experiment 2, pictures were recalled better than words with semantically related extralist cues. In Experiment 3, when semantic cues were combined with word fragments, pictures and words were recalled equally well under explicit retrieval conditions, but words were superior to pictures under implicit instructions. Thus, the inherently data-limited properties of fragmented words limit their use in accessing conceptual codes. Overall, the results indicate that retrieval operations are largely determined by properties of the retrieval cues under both implicit and explicit retrieval conditions.     

Face recognition memory: The effects of exposure duration and encoding instruction

Two experiments test the effects of exposure duration and encoding instruction on the relative memory for five facial features. Participants viewed slides of Identi-kit faces and were later given a recognition test with same or changed versions of each face. Each changed test face involved a change in one facial feature: hair, eyes, chin, nose or mouth. In both experiments the upper-face features of hair and eyes were better recognized than the lower-face features of nose, mouth, and chin, as measured by false alarm rates. In Experiment 1, participants in the 20-second exposure duration condition remembered faces significantly better than participants in the 3-second exposure duration condition; however, memory for all five facial features improved at a similar rate with the increased duration. In Experiment 2, participants directed to use feature scanning encoding instructions remembered faces significantly better than participants following age judgement instructions; however, the size of the memory advantage for upper facial features was less with feature scanning instructions than with age judgement instructions. The results are discussed in terms of a quantitative difference in processing faces with longer exposure duration, versus a qualitative difference in processing faces with various encoding instructions. These results are related to conditions that affect the accuracy of eyewitness identification.     

Channel-capacity, intelligibility and immediate memory

When subjects try to remember lists of digits played to them through pulse-modulated white noise the number of errors they make is greater than would be expected if digitrecognition errors and immediate memory errors were independent (Exp. 1).

A second experiment compared recall of digits in early list positions, when digits in subsequent list positions were presented through noise, and in clear. Digits in early positions were less well remembered when digits in later list positions had to be discriminated through noise.

In a third experiment prose passages were played to subjects who subsequently answered questions about their factual content. Judged by this technique recall of the first half of a prose passage is less accurate if the second half must be heard through noise than if the entire passage is heard through a good fidelity system. These results together are interpreted as demonstrations that increased difficulty of recognition of speech through noise may interfere with other activities, (conveniently termed “rehearsal”) which may be necessary to efficiently retain data in memory.     

Influence of emotion on memory for temporal information

Contextual information, such as color and spatial location, has been found to be better remembered for emotional than for neutral items. The current study examined whether the influence of emotion extends to memory for another fundamental feature of episodic memory: temporal information. Results from a list-discrimination paradigm showed that (a) item memory was enhanced for both negative and positive pictures compared with neutral ones and was better for negative than for positive pictures and (b) temporal information was better remembered for negative than for positive and neutral pictures, whereas positive and neutral pictures did not differ from each other. These findings are discussed in relation to the processes involved in memory for temporal information.     

Age and prospective memory

This paper reports an investigation into the effects of age, intelligence, and retrospective memory on performance in a prospective memory task in which subjects aged between 52 and 95 were required to telephone once a day either between two times or at an exact time. The most important influence on performance was how subjects chose to remember to make the telephone calls. The best performance was from subjects who telephoned either in conjunction with another routine event or engaged in some form of advanced planning of the daily schedule. The worst performance was from those who relied on internal cues from their own memory. Performance was intermediate from those who used external cues such as notes or diary entries. Subjects in the between condition were less likely to choose internal cues than those in the exact condition, possibly because the task appeared more difficult, and this resulted in their showing superior performance. The effect of age was influenced by the cue used. For subjects using internal cues, those who forgot were older than those who remembered, whereas for subjects using the other cues, those who forgot were younger than those who remembered. Regardless of cue, self-ratings of cognitive failures were related to performance such that those who reported more minor everyday mistakes were indeed more likely to forget to telephone. While there was some indirect effect of general intelligence on performance in the task, there was no relationship between retrospective memory scores and whether or not subjects remembered to telephone.     

Levels of processing and memory in mentally retarded and nonretarded persons

Individual differences in memory were examined from the levels of processing perspective. Mentally retarded persons were expected to be more superficial processors. The recall of nonretarded and two IQ levels of retarded young adults was compared following the presentation of pictorial stimuli with either a shallow processing, deep processing, or control orienting task. Shallow processing was induced by directing subjects to name the colors of the pictures. In the deep processing condition, subjects were told to say what the pictured object was used for. In the control condition, they were directed to look at the pictures. The stimuli were presented as an incidental learning task. Encoding condition was a between-subjects variable. Nonretarded subjects remembered more overall than did the two retarded groups, which did not differ. At each intelligence level, more stimuli were remembered in the deep processing condition than in the shallow condition. There was no interaction of intelligence level with encoding condition. The hypothesis that retarded persons process at a more superficial level was not supported. A “spread of encoding” deficit in retarded persons is favored to explain the recall differences obtained in this experiment.     

Memory for orientation of forms as a function of their meaningfulness and complexity.

Accuracy of memory for left-right orientation of single figures varying in meaningfulness and complexity was studied in subjects from kindergarten to adulthood. Complexity was an unimportant variable. Orientation of meaningful figures was remembered better than orientation of nonmeaningful figures at all ages. There were no developmental differences in memory for meaningful figures beyond kindergarten, but pronounced developmental differences were found in memory for nonmeaningful figures. It was proposed that a decision to store orientation information is dependent upon a judgment about the meaningfulness of a presented figure, and that young children have more difficulty than adults in finding meaningfulness in unfamiliar forms. The decision to store appears to occur automatically, since there was only a small difference between conditions in which subjects were informed or not informed to remember orientation. It was also suggested that part of the often reported difficulty in remembering diagonal orientation may be due to the symmetry of the diagonal forms typically investigated.