The Meanings of the Community and of the Individual in Slovakia and in Scotland

The purpose of this paper was to examine meanings of the terms ‘individual’, ‘the community’ and ‘local community’ in Slovakia and Scotland. The social, cultural, political and economic histories of these two small European nations are quite different. Slovakia is one of the post-communist countries in which rapid changes have recently taken place. In contrast, Scotland has enjoyed a relatively stable parliamentary democracy within the UK. Two groups of respondents, 200 from Slovakia and 200 from Scotland, were presented with a word association task which included 38 political and economic terms and with two scales containing the same list of terms. They rated phenomena referring to these terms with respect to their importance for the well-being of the individual and to the well-being of the community. The results suggest that for Scots but not for Slovaks, the term ‘local community’ evokes positive associations and that local community is a meaningful concept. The data suggest that local attachments and loyalties were destroyed in Slovakia during communism. (© 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.)     

Dynamics of Interpersonal Political Environment and Party Identification: Longitudinal Studies of Voting in Japan and New Zealand

The dynamical systems theory of groups claims that interpersonal political environment and party identification are dynamically interrelated to provide heuristics under uncertainty. Panel data over the course of a year examined the longitudinal dynamics between social networks, social identifications, and voting behavior among a national sample of registered voters in Japan and a regional sample in Wellington, New Zealand. Respondents with more stable party identification had greater stability in the political preferences of their interpersonal network in both countries; moreover, stability in party identification was predicted by interpersonal political environment and older age in both countries. Stability of party identification predicted voting consistency in both countries, whereas stability of interpersonal political environment made an independent contribution to voting consistency in Japan only. There were cultural differences in levels of interpersonal political environment stability, but the amount of political discussion and ideological stability did not make independent contributions to any of the three main variables. Results provided support for the dynamical systems theory of groups.     

A Critical Examination of Several Methods of Determining Levels of Social Status

Summary

A 42-item forced choice questionnaire, administered in 1957–58 to undergraduate students at the American University of Beirut, was readministered to a matched sample in 1970–71 to determine the hierarchy of group affiliations.

With the exception of a significantly higher ranking given to citizenship by males in 1970 compared to 1957, no other significant differences were found between 1957 and 1971 in the relative importance given to family, national (ethnic) origin, and citizenship by subjects in both samples, irrespective of sex, religion, and political orientation. Family still ranked first, followed by national (ethnic) affiliation, and third by citizenship. Also, the only significant within sample difference found in 1957 was also found in 1971: namely, politically oriented subjects gave significantly higher rankings to political party affiliation than nonpolitically oriented subjects.

However, significant changes were found to occur between 1957 and 1971 with respect to political party and religion: namely, political party affiliation became significantly more important and religious affiliation became significantly less important. These changes were discussed within the context of changing social and political conditions in the Arab Middle East.

Finally, within sample comparisons in the 1970–71 sample showed that politically oriented Palestinians were the only subgrouping who ranked national (ethnic) origin rather than family first, and they also ranked political party affiliation significantly higher than even the politically oriented other Arabs. These differences were discussed in the light of recent significant developments which had characterized the Palestinian community, particularly since the 1967 Arab-Israeli war. It is, however, clearly understood that our findings cannot be generalized to populations other than our subjects.     

The effects of exposure to political and domestic violence on preschool children and their mothers

The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of exposure to political violence on preschool children and their mothers. We explored whether these dyads are different from dyads with no known history of exposure to violence and from mother–child dyads with known exposure to domestic violence. Specifically, we explored differences in mothers' psychological status (depression and anxiety), dyadic emotional availability (EA), children's social information processing, and children's social behaviour, in a sample of 216 dyads divided into three groups (exposure to political violence, no exposure to violence, and exposure to domestic violence). We found evidence to support our hypotheses that children exposed to domestic violence exhibit the highest levels of social maladjustment with smaller but still significant differences between children exposed to political violence and children in the comparison group. As expected, the lowest EA scores were found in the exposure to domestic violence group, followed by dyads in the exposure to political violence group. Dyads belonging to the comparison group (no exposure) exhibited the highest levels of EA. These findings contribute to our understanding of the meaning of exposure to political violence, as well as sharpen the difference between exposure to political and domestic violence.     

Religion–state relations and public opinion: norms,institutions and social consensus

ABSTRACT

Are levels of religion–state regulation associated with cross-national variation in attitudes related to the place of religion in public life? Data sources measuring both the institutional relationship between religion and state and public opinion on the political role of religion have significantly improved in recent years, but scholars have just begun to examine relationships between political institutions and public attitudes. This contribution tests several potential examples of such links by exploring the relationship between religion–state institutions and norms of religion and politics, both between and within countries. The contribution first develops theoretical expectations regarding the institutional correlates of public opinion, then conducts initial tests of these expectations by blending data from the Religion and State project with comparative survey data drawn from Waves 4 and 5 of the World Values Survey. Analysis demonstrates modest links between institutions and aggregate public views, a relationship between institutions and social consensus, and, most robustly, consistent variation in institutional effects across political regime type.     

Young adults' partner preferences and parents' in-law preferences across generations,genders, and nations

To examine cultural, gender, and parent–child differences in partner preferences, in eight countries undergraduates (n = 2,071) and their parents (n = 1,851) ranked the desirability of qualities in someone the student might marry. Despite sizable cultural differences—especially between Southeast Asian and Western countries—participants generally ranked kind/understanding (reflecting interpersonal communion) highest, and intelligent and healthy (reflecting mental/physical agency) among the top four. Students valued exciting, attractive partners more and healthy, religious partners less than parents did; comparisons with rankings by youth in 1984 (i.e., from the parents' generation) suggested cohort effects cannot explain most parent–child disagreements. As evolutionary psychology predicts, participants prioritized wives' attractiveness and homemaker skills and husbands' education and breadwinner skills; but as sociocultural theory predicts, variations across countries/decades in gendered spousal/in-law preferences mirrored socioeconomic gender differences. Collectively, the results suggest individuals consider their social roles/circumstances when envisioning their ideal spouse/in-law, which has implications for how humans’ partner-appraisal capabilities evolved.     

Political participation and basic values in Europe: Replication and extension of Vecchione et al. (2015)

Vecchione et al. (Br J Psychol, 106 , 2015, 84) demonstrated the effects of four higher-order values on political participation across 20 European countries. In their Study 1, they found that political participation was related to three higher-order basic values and that these associations were stronger in more democratic countries. The present study attempted a replication using a more rigorous modelling approach. Multilevel structural equation models with latent variables for both participation and basic values replicated the main effects of Self-Transcendence and Conservation values but demonstrated negative effects of Openness values (vs. positive in the original study) and positive effects of Self-Enhancement values (vs. ambiguous or insignificant in the original study), while cross-level interactions indicated weaker effects of values in more democratic countries (vs. the opposite in the original study). These discrepancies appeared mostly due to the original study’s implicit assumption that basic values’ measurement errors were zero. The new results indicated a counter-intuitive similarity of effects of supposedly opposite values. Self-Transcendence–Self-Enhancement is suggested to be a politically motivating value dimension, whereas Openness to Change–Conservation is a dimension that discourages political participation regardless of the preferred extreme.     

Extraversion and External Efficacy: The Moderating Role of Corruption

Perceptions of governmental responsiveness matter because of their influence on the willingness of citizens to participate in politics and thereby express their interests and hold policymakers accountable. Where do external efficacy attitudes emerge? In recent years, scholars have examined this question by turning to personality traits, especially extraversion. Extant studies reveal a positive relationship between extraversion and external efficacy, but thus far they have focused on high-income democracies. How consistent are findings across countries with varying levels of political and economic development? In my view, the answer depends on the level of corruption and its implications for external efficacy. Where low (high) levels of bribery and other forms of malfeasance enable (impede) public influence on governmental decision-making, greater levels of extraversion will increase (decrease) perceptions of governmental responsiveness. I test my hypothesis with three sources of nationally representative survey data that include countries from North America, Latin America, and the Caribbean. My results have implications for the quality of democracy.     

International comparison of group differences in general mental ability for immigrants versus non‐immigrants

Globalization has led to increased migration and labor mobility over the past several decades and immigrants generally seek jobs in their new countries. Tests of general mental ability (GMA) are common in personnel selection systems throughout the world. Unfortunately, GMA test scores often display differences between majority groups and ethnic subgroups that may represent a barrier to employment for immigrants. The purpose of this study was to examine differences in GMA based on immigrant status in 29 countries (or jurisdictions of countries) throughout the world using an existing database that employs high‐quality measurement and sampling methodologies with large sample sizes. The primary findings were that across countries, non‐immigrants (n = 139,464) scored approximately half of a standard deviation (d = .53) higher than first‐generation immigrants (n = 22,162) but only one‐tenth of a standard deviation (d = .12) higher than second‐generation immigrants (n = 6,428). Considerable variability in effect sizes was found across countries as Nordic European and Germanic European countries evidenced the highest non‐immigrant/first‐generation immigrant mean differences and Anglo countries the smallest. Countries with the lowest income inequality tended to evidence the highest differences in GMA between non‐immigrants and first‐generation immigrants. Implications for GMA testing as a potential barrier to immigrant employment success and the field's current understanding of group differences in GMA test scores will be discussed.     

Political consumer behaviour among university students in Brazil and Germany: The role of contextual features and core political values

This study investigates the relationship between political consumerism and core political values (CPVs) among university students in Brazil (N = 414) and Germany (N = 222). Despite the prerequisite to endorse values that are compatible with political consumerism, contextual features of one's immediate environment might affect overall levels of political consumerism. Our results show that political consumerism is significantly associated with higher income in Brazil (but not in Germany). After controlling for income, political consumerism was practised more frequently in Germany than in Brazil, in urban compared with rural areas, and was not dependent on gender. The urban–rural split was stronger in Brazil than in Germany. These results confirm our hypothesis that contextual features are associated with political consumerism. Furthermore, the political value Equality positively predicted political consumerism in both countries. In contrast, Traditional Morality and support of Free Enterprise negatively predicted political consumerism, although the effect sizes of these relationships were only small. These results suggest that political consumerism among university students is widespread in Germany but not in Brazil. Interestingly, regardless of its low prevalence in Brazil, political consumerism is positively associated with the CPV of Equality among university students in both countries.     

Images of politics: A multidimensional analysis of implicit representations of political parties in a newly emerging democracy

What sorts of features define people's implicit cognitive representations about the political domain in a newly emerging democracy, with no previous experience of multi-party politics? This study used a multidimensional scaling (MDS) approach to investigate the dimensional structure of, and individual differences in, cognitive representations of the party political space before the recent first free elections were held in Hungary. It was found that three cognitive dimensions explained subjects' intuitive view of political parties, evaluation, conservatism, and an urban–rural dimension. Significant individual differences in the use of these dimensions linked to gender, education, and city versus country background were also found. The relationship between implicit cognitive representations about parties and political attitudes and behaviour are discussed, and the implications of the findings for our understanding recent political developments in Eastern Europe are considered.     

Intergroup contact in Romania: When minority size is positively related to intergroup conflict

Contexts in which minority size is positively related to intergroup conflict are challenging for the contact hypothesis. In such situations, if opportunities for contact increase prejudice, the contact hypothesis may seem less credible, but if they reduce prejudice, the contact hypothesis may seem less useful for improving intergroup relations. Based on path analyses run on a Romanian national probability sample (N = 733), the current research shows that the contact hypothesis can nevertheless be relevant. Because the Hungarian minority is concentrated in Transylvania, a region with a long history of conflict between Romanians and Hungarians, Transylvanians have more opportunities for out‐group contact than other Romanians. However, the analyses also detected significant differences within Transylvania: Urban Transylvanians have more opportunities for contact with Hungarians than rural Transylvanians and, consequently, are less negative towards them. The results, which closely match recent historical events, suggest that a proper application of the contact hypothesis at a societal level has to take into account that minority size is not necessarily equivalent to opportunities for contact and that inter‐regional comparisons in opportunities for contact can hide significant intra‐regional differences. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

My Country,Right or Wrong: Education,Accumulated Democratic Experience,and Political Socialization of Blind Patriotism

Although educational attainment has been identified as a significant factor that reduces uncritical positive attachment to one's country (i.e., blind patriotism), little is known about whether the remedial effect of education on uncritical patriotism is universal across countries with different histories of democratic rule. This article examines the extent to which democracy stock (the accumulated amount of democratic traditions, legacies, and experiences consolidated over time) conditions the relationship between education and blind patriotism. Using international data from 33 countries, the article shows that the remedial effect of education is more pronounced in countries with larger stocks of democracy than in countries with higher levels of democracy (current or recent). The results imply that the political socialization of critical patriotism is a cumulative process in which citizens internalize their potentially democratic competencies (e.g., knowledge, skills, and dispositions) and develop a sense of national attachment based on critical reflection on government policy and practice (i.e., critical loyalty) over an extended period of time.     

Projection in the Face of Centrism: Voter Inferences About Candidates' Party Affiliation in Low-Information Contexts

When are voters more likely to project their own political position onto a candidate for office? We investigate this question by examining the assumed partisanship of a (self-declared) centrist politician, using data from a survey experiment fielded in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In doing so, we build on the social categorization model as well as recent U.S.-focused political science research on projection and ingroup/outgroup racial divides—extending our analysis to incorporate racial and class similarities/differences across three countries where these divides likely vary in salience. We thus seek: (1) to contribute to research on the inferences citizens draw in nonpartisan elections and low-information contexts generally and (2) to highlight some potential methodological complications of using partisanship-less candidates in vignette experiments. Results suggest that even in the face of a self-declared centrist, voters from across the political spectrum tended to assume shared partisanship in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Examining projection by ingroup/outgroup divisions indicated that class appears to shape projection across all three countries, but that the racial divide only mattered in the United States. Finally, we also find evidence of counterprojection toward outgroup members—but once again only in the American context.     

Personality,Religion, and Politics: An Investigation in 33 Countries

The relations of HEXACO personality factors and religiosity with political orientation were examined in responses collected online from participants in 33 countries (N = 141 492). Endorsement of a right‐wing political orientation was negatively associated with Honesty‐Humility and Openness to Experience and positively associated with religiosity. The strength of these associations varied widely across countries, such that the religiosity–politics correlations were stronger in more religious countries, whereas the personality–politics correlations were stronger in more developed countries. We also investigated the utility of the narrower traits (i.e. facets) that define the HEXACO factors. The Altruism facet (interstitially located between the Honesty‐Humility, Agreeableness, and Emotionality axes) was negatively associated with right‐wing political orientation, but religiosity was found to suppress this relationship, especially in religious countries. In addition to Altruism, the Greed Avoidance and Modesty facets of the Honesty‐Humility factor and the Unconventionality and Aesthetic Appreciation facets of the Openness to Experience factor were also negatively associated with right‐wing political orientation. We discuss the utility of examining facet‐level personality traits, along with religiosity, in research on the individual difference correlates of political orientation. Copyright © 2018 European Association of Personality Psychology     

Poland translated: the post-communist generation of writers

This article is concerned with writing in Poland since the collapse of Communism. It focuses mainly on the generation of Polish writers who made their debut around the time of the collapse of Communism and whose work has since begun to appear in English translation. It considers the changing focus of the post-Communist generation of writers, asks how the translations of their work represent Poland to the world and what these works might indicate about changes within contemporary Polish literary and political culture. In particular the article looks at recent fiction from Polish Women Writers and themes in recent writing including the ideas of Poland as Post-Communist, Post-nationalist, Post-Jewish and Post-German.     

Contemporary attitudes and their ideological representation in Flanders (Belgium), Poland,and the Ukraine

The present research tests the validity of a two‐dimensional cultural and economic right‐wing model of ideology, as well as the relationships between these dimensions and attitudes toward recent political issues. Opinions about environmentalism, war on terror, and European Union enlargement were selected as representative contemporary attitudes. The present research questions were investigated in a Flemish (N = 176), Polish (N = 93), and Ukrainian (N = 93) sample. The results revealed that two dimensions underlie the ideological spectrum in all samples, one referring to cultural conservatism and right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA), and one referring to economic conservatism and social dominance orientation (SDO). Although the validity of differentiating between these ideological dimensions has been amply illustrated in studies on Western samples, the replication of these dimensions in former communist countries add to their validity and generality, because these countries have a specific political culture and history. However, important cross‐cultural differences with respect to the representation of the contemporary attitudes in this two‐dimensional ideological space were obtained as well. Whereas the war on terror attitude was meaningfully related to the cultural right‐wing dimension in all samples, the relationships for the environmentalism and EU enlargement attitudes were sample dependent. These cross‐cultural differences were explained in terms of saliency of the issue (nonsignificant versus significant relationships in the case of environmentalism) and pragmatic concerns in terms of profits and costs (in the case of EU enlargement). In the discussion it is also argued that the closer correspondence between the ideological representation of these attitudes in Polish and Western society may be caused by the fact that communism was less successful in penetrating political mentality in Poland than in the Ukraine.     

Children's understanding of the war in Iraq: views from Britain and Bosnia

Sixty‐one children (aged 9–17) from the United Kingdom (31) and Bosnia (30) were interviewed about the war in Iraq. Significant differences emerged in their views of the war. The Bosnian children were more affected by the Iraq War, more aware of who is involved in it, had different views about its causes, viewed the consequences of the war with greater gravity, and expressed a greater desire to end war and have peace. Two factors which might account for these differences – recent Bosnian history and the nature of media representations of the war in the two countries – are discussed.     

国家内部地域文化差异及其对组织的影响

近年来,跨文化管理研究越来越关注国家内部（次国家层面）地域文化差异。在类似中国这样幅员辽阔历史悠久的多民族国家中,经济发展带来的人口流动和企业的跨地域布局使得员工与管理者都需要面对不同外部地域文化环境和组织内部人员地域多样化的挑战,研究国家内部地域文化差异及其对组织的影响有重要意义。 现有实证研究的一个重要共识是国家内部地域文化差异普遍存在于亚洲、欧洲和南北美洲各国。覆盖的国家类型多样,既有美国、巴西等地理跨度较大或有多民族多宗教历史文化背景的国家,也有日本、德国等地理跨度较小或历史上民族和信仰成分较单一的国家;既包括高度工业化的发达国家,也有发展中国家;既有集体主义倾向的东南亚和南美国家,也有个人主义倾向的北美和西欧国家。差异的内容主要包括霍夫斯泰德和施瓦茨的文化价值观维度,尤其是个人主义-集体主义。此外,不同国家之间内部地域文化差异的程度也显著不同。 聚焦中国大陆的研究主要关注了大陆地域文化区的划分和地域文化差异的内容维度。研究早期主要是从理论上根据影响文化的外部因素（如地理环境特征）讨论了文化差异的存在和文化区域划分,后来直接根据价值观相似度对不同省市或地区进行聚类;近年来,少数研究进一步依据多个指标综合划分地域文化区,并开始假设和验证不同区域价值观对个人和组织的影响。本文整合现有的几种中国大陆地域文化区划,用层次聚类法,获得了有较大共识的8个文化区。现有实证研究结果表明,中国大陆在集体主义、长期导向、风险偏好、儒家价值观等文化价值观维度存在地域差异。 有关国家内部地域文化差异如何影响组织行为和企业经营管理的实证文献仍然非常有限。 从跨地区文化比较的视角看,国家内部不同地区的文化价值观有可能影响当地人群的消费模式、员工行为、管理风格和决策（如投资）,进而影响企业生产效率和创新。从跨地区文化互动研究看,母公司企业文化与子公司所在地文化互动融合的模式有可能影响子公司经营绩效。最后,国家内部地域文化差异的程度不仅有可能影响本国企业跨地区布局的方式,还有可能影响企业跨境投资方式、企业国际化程度和经营绩效。 未来研究应更多的关注个人主义-集体主义以外的文化维度,探索主位视角来丰富研究理论和测量方法,尤其亟需更多对地域文化差异和跨地域互动在个人,团队和组织层面的结果的研究。最后,文化随着经济活动、政治变化、人口流动、对外交流互动而不断演化。在经济持续发展、商业活动地理布局不断拓展、人员流动极大增加、改革开放进一步深化的大背景下,我国大陆各区域及港澳台地区的地域文化价值观的演变,及其组织中不同层面的行为和结果的影响也值得探究。     

The Relation of Birth Order,Age of Mother,and Size of Family to Intelligence

Variables thought to be associated with the magnitude of interrelationship observed among the elements in a system of social attitudes were investigated. Subjects (N = 753) were asked to respond to an inventory requesting self-report and background data. Several weeks later, Ss were given two forms of the Social Attitude Scale, a scale tapping the liberalism-conservatism domain. The results indicated that those Ss who reported recent changes in religious, moral, or political attitudes displayed a more highly interconnected system of liberal-conservative attitudes than those who did not. Variables relating to active participation in social affairs tended to be associated with higher levels of attitude system organization. Sex differences were observed, with men displaying higher levels of system organization than women. This relationship held even when participation rates were taken into consideration.