共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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中国道教协会并中国道教学院:欣闻中国道教学院成立十五周年,谨表热烈祝贺!中国道教学院作为我国培养中高级道教人才的主要基地,十五年来在中国道教协会的领导下,坚持正确的办学方向,培养了一大批爱国爱教、具有较高道教知识和修养并有志于道教事业的青年人才,为弘扬道教优秀文化和中国道教事业的健康发展作出了突出贡献。人才培养是当前加强道教界自身建设的一个重要而紧迫的任务,关系到道教界的未来。希望中国道教协会继续高度重视人才培养工作,充分发挥中国道教学院在弘道育人方面的优势,努力建设一支具有较高政治素质、广博宗教学识和优… 相似文献
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《道教中国化研究》为《当代道教研究》丛刊第2辑,由上海浦东道教文化研究所组织编撰,2020年12月由上海三联书店出版,中国道教协会咨议委员会副主席丁常云道长主编,是道教中国化理论研究的重要成果。2015年,习近平总书记在中央统战工作会议上指出:"积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应,必须坚持中国化方向"。2016年,在全国宗教工作会议上,习近平总书记再次指出:"积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应,一个重要的任务就是支持我国宗教坚持中国化方向。" 相似文献
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《中国道教》1988,(3)
北美《中国宗教杂志》刊登本会研究室编写的《中国道教史提纲》(英文) 北美的中国宗教研究会(SSCR)1987年出版的第15期《中国宗教杂志》(Joumul ofChinesc Rcligions)刊登了由中国道教协会研究室编写的《中国道教史提纲》的英文本,翻译者为中国研究会副主席、加拿大萨斯喀彻温大学宗教系教授包士廉(朱利安·帕斯)和萨斯喀彻温大学梁文康。译文前有简短的介绍,全文如下: “以下是题为《中国道教史提纲》的论文的翻译,它原发表于《中国哲学史研究》,1983年第一期第41至50页上,由中国道教协会研究室编写。由于这个提纲公认地编入了中国正在进行着的道教研究的新材料,它对于西方的道教传统研究的学生们可能是非常有用的。”《中国宗教杂志》,由中国宗教研究会编辑出版。中国宗教研究会在1974年由不列颠哥伦比亚大学的丹尼尔·奥弗迈耶教授提议创 相似文献
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4月26日至27日,由中国道教协会指导,浙江省道教协会、江苏省道教协会、安徽省道教协会、上海市道教协会主办,上海市社科院宗教研究所、华东师大明道道教研究所协办,上海城隍庙承办的第七届长三角地区道教论坛——坚持道教中国化方向研讨会举行。 相似文献
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Arkowitz H 《The American psychologist》2005,60(7):731; author reply 734-731; author reply 735
Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners. 相似文献
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The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools. 相似文献
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形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度". 相似文献
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从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意 相似文献
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Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed. 相似文献
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谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府… 相似文献
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Andrew Norris 《Metaphilosophy》2004,35(3):249-272
Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination. 相似文献
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