共查询到19条相似文献,搜索用时 62 毫秒
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谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府… 相似文献
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道教思想源远流长,经久不衰,很重要的一点就在于道教思想深深的扎根于中华民族文化古老而不断更新的土壤之中,既保留了中华文化的精髓,又能随时代的变化发展而变化发展。道教发展到今天已有两千余年,始终同中华民族的发展历史息息相关。现在,我国已经进入了社会主义初级阶段,开始全面建设小康社会,中国道教必须与时俱进,也就是要与社会主义社会相适应,这已经是人们普遍的共识和一个不争的事实。当前人们关心的问题是:道教要“与时俱进”,进什么,怎么进?说同社会主义社会“相适应”,什么需要去“适应”,怎样才算“适应”?就此问题,谈谈个人的… 相似文献
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本文分析奥古斯丁三一神学中人的“是”的来源、方式、内容和品质。(1)人的“是”来源于创造主,上帝作为“我正是我所正是”的“正是者”,创造了人的“是”,故而人的“是”是“正是”。(2)由于上帝是一而不是多,上帝有其固有的“同一性”,故而人亦有其“同一性”。(3)但由于人不是上帝,而是介于上帝与虚无之间,因此人“是”的方式不是“永恒”,而是作为“永恒”尘世形象的“时间”。(4)人的时间之“是”中,集中体现了上帝形象的,乃是“现在”或“正是”,作为“活生生的现在”,“正是”将“过去的现在、现在的现在、将来的现在”统一在一起,构成人的活生生的同一性。(5)奥古斯丁对“活生生的现在”分析是与意识分析结合在一起的,过去一记忆、现在一理解、将来一预期。(6)人“正是”的内容主要是“思”。(7)决定“正是”的品质的,是与“思”紧密连结在一起的“爱”。 相似文献
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本文认为,先秦时期所称的"家",主要有两种不同的含义."六家"、"九流十家",与先秦至汉代所称的"百家",不是同一范畴内的概念,它们之间并不互相排斥.后人不了解"家"的这两种含义,更不了解"六家"、"九流"所产生的背景,对于先秦学术思想史有误解. 相似文献
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Arkowitz H 《The American psychologist》2005,60(7):731; author reply 734-731; author reply 735
Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners. 相似文献
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The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools. 相似文献
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形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度". 相似文献
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Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed. 相似文献
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从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意 相似文献
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Andrew Norris 《Metaphilosophy》2004,35(3):249-272
Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination. 相似文献
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