Perplexities of Filiality: Confucius and Jane Addams on the Private/Public Distinction

This article compares the ways in which the classic Western philosophical division between the private and public spheres is challenged by an apparently disparate pair of thinkers—Confucius and Jane Addams. It is argued that insofar as the public and private distinction is that between the sphere of the family and that outside of the family, Confucius and Addams offer ways of rethinking that distinction. While Confucius endorses a porous relation between these realms, Addams advocates a relation that fosters reconstructive transformation of each the private and public spheres. Because Confucius and Addams both challenge the idea of a rigid separation between the private and public, while at the same time differing from one another in important ways, a comparative engagement of their views is performed, with the suggestion that Confucians might glean very much from Addams, while contemporary feminists might do the same from both she and Confucius.     

Patriotism, War, and the Limits of Permissible Partiality

This paper examines whether patriotism and other forms of group partiality can be justified and what are the moral limits on actions performed to benefit countries and other groups. In particular, I ask whether partiality toward one’s country (or other groups) can justify attacking enemy civilians to achieve victory or other political goals. Using a rule utilitarian approach, I then (a) defend the legitimacy of “moderate” patriotic partiality but (b) argue that noncombatant immunity imposes an absolute constraint on what may be done to promote the interests of a country or other group involved in warfare or other forms of violent conflict.     

Opinion Change in Time of War

Two hundred ninety-five college students were tested to determine the effects of specified variables of self-appraisal and task appraisal on achievement, self-assessment of achievement, and expended effort. Primary results were as follows: (a) The academic self-concept was found to contribute significantly to achievement on a specific task. Partial correlation between the academic self-concept and task achievement with intelligence controlled was .39 (p ≤ .05). A nonsignificant partial correlation between task confidence and task achievement with intelligence controlled was .16 (considered high enough to warrant further study). (b) Approximately two-thirds of the variance in self-assessment of achievement was found to be due to one's perceived achievement on a specific task. The variables of self-appraisal (i. e., academic self-concept and self-confidence) were not found to affect self-assessment of achievement, nor the variables of task appraisal (i. e., task confidence and task interest). Expended effort appears to have had a small part in the total variance of self-assessment of achievement. (c) Expended effort was found to be significantly related to task interest, but variables of self-appraisal did not contribute significantly to expended effort.     

Teaching Peace in a Time of War

It is difficult to distinguish a time of war from a time of peace in America, because the Bush administration prosecutes its war on terrorism with an ongoing supporting economy. "Teaching Peace" means analyzing realistically the vested interests in perpetuating a state of war.     

Patriotism and Human Rights: An Argument for Unpatriotic Patriotism

This paper centres on the question as to whether human rights can be reconciled with patriotism. It lays out the more conventional arguments which perceive them as incommensurable concepts. A central aspect of this incommensurability relates to the close historical tie between patriotism and the state. One further dimension of this argument is then articulated, namely, the contention that patriotism is an explicitly political concept. The implicit antagonism between, on the one hand, the state, politics and patriotism, and, on the other hand, human rights, is illustrated via the work of Carl Schmitt. However, in the last few decades there has been a resurgence of interest in patriotism and an attempt to formulate a more moderate form, which tries to reconcile itself with universal ethical themes. Some of these arguments are briefly summarised; the discussion then focuses on Jürgen Habermas’s understanding of constitutional patriotism. This is seen to provide an effective response to Schmitt’s arguments. There are weaknesses in the constitutional patriotic argument which relate to its limited understanding of both the state and politics. This leads me to formulate my own argument for “unpatriotic patriotism.” The discussion then examines and responds to certain potential criticisms of this argument.     

Family and Couples Therapy in a Time of War

SUMMARY

In this article the issue of professional responsibility of couples and family therapists is raised with regard to the war in the Persian Gulf. Implications are discussed for families and couples coping with the stress of war and its aftermath.     

Patriotism,Attributions for the 9/11 Attacks,and Support for War: Then and Now

College students rated the importance of 10 possible causes of the 9/11 attacks in October 2001 (24 male and 86 female participants) and in October 2005 (53 male and 112 female participants) and completed measures of blind and constructive patriotism. Feelings of threat and perceived responsibility for the attacks and for anti-American hostility were also examined. A principal components analysis of the 10 causes suggested 3 causal categories distinguished by responsibility. The blindly patriotic were less likely to endorse U.S. foreign policy as a cause of the attacks. The 2005 sample was significantly more likely to perceive the United States as partially responsible for the cause of the attacks and for anti-American hostility than was the 2001 sample and they were lower in blind patriotism. A path model indicates that support for the military action in Afghanistan is negatively related to time and positively related to blind patriotism and perceived responsibility of the terrorists.     

Patriotism in Early China

This paper considers the difference between the values attached to love of country in early China and in today’s world, through exploration of a series of concept clusters centered on “loyalty,” “glory,” “honor,” and “identity.” Using a wide array of sources, including legends about exemplary figures in antiquity, it assesses the extent to which patriotism or something like patriotism was a normative value in the distant past. It also outlines the appropriate limits of patriotism which the early thinkers insisted upon, thinking them useful guidelines for today.     

Jane Ellen Harrison: Another life

Josef Franz Thiel Albert Doutreloux Heil und Macht, Approches du Sacré Vol. 22 1975 Studia Institut Anthropos

Haralds Biezais Religious Symbols and their functions 1979 Almqvist and Wiksell International Stockholm     

Externalism and Memory: Jane Heal

Tye claims that an externalist should say that memory content invoking natural kind concepts floats free of the setting where the memory is laid down and is at later times determined by the context in which the memory is revived. His argument assumes the existence of 'slow switching' of the meaning of natural kind terms when a person is transported from Earth to Twin Earth. But proper understanding of natural kind terms suggests that slow switching (contrary to what is often presupposed) is likely never to be completed. Hence the situation of a person unknowingly transported to Twin Earth is not that his memories switch content but rather than he gets two natural kinds confused.     

Pro Patria: An Essay on Patriotism

This essay focuses on what patriotism is, as opposed to the value of patriotism. It focuses further on the basic patriotic motive: one acts with this motive if one acts on behalf of one’s country as such. I first argue that pre-theoretically the basic patriotic motive is sufficient to make an act patriotic from a motivational point of view. In particular the agent need not ascribe virtues or achievements to his country nor need he feel towards it the emotions characteristic of love. Why should one ever act on behalf of one’s country as such, if one does not particularly admire it or feel a special affection for it? In answer to this question I offer a further articulation of the basic patriotic motive, invoking a particular understanding of what it is to be the member of a political society. Building on this articulation I then consider how one might characterize a patriotic act, a patriotic person, and the relationship of patriotism and pride.     

Inclusionary Discrimination: Pigmentocracy and Patriotism in the Dominican Republic

This study explored the nature of racial hierarchy and the connection between racial identity and Dominican patriotism using a questionnaire given to an in situ sample in the Dominican Republic. The analyses compared the contradictory expectations of the "racial democracy" (or "Iberian exceptionalism") thesis and social dominance theory. Results showed that despite the very high level of racial intermarriage in the Dominican Republic, there was strong evidence of a "pigmentocracy," or group-based social hierarchy based largely on skin color. Furthermore, despite a slight tendency for people to give slightly higher status ratings to their own "racial" category than were given to them by members of other "racial" categories, this pigmentocracy was highly consensual across the racial hierarchy. These results were consistent with the expectations of social dominance theory. However, in contrast to similar analyses in the United States and Israel, these Dominican findings showed no evidence that members of different "racial" categories had different levels of patriotic attachment to the nation. Also in contrast to recent American findings, there was no evidence that Dominican patriotism was positively associated with anti-black racism, social dominance orientation, negative affect toward other racial groups, or ethnocentrism, regardless of the "racial" category one belonged to. These latter results were consistent with the racial democracy thesis. The theoretical implications of these somewhat conflicting findings are discussed.