Influences of part-list cuing on different forms of episodic forgetting

Across 3 experiments, we examined the interplay of part-list cuing and forgetting, employing 3 different methods to induce episodic forgetting-list--method directed forgetting, context-dependent forgetting, and proactive interference. For each form of forgetting, participants were asked at test to recall the target items of a previously studied list in the presence or the absence of the list's remaining items serving as retrieval cues. We found such part-list cuing to amplify the forgetting in proactive interference but to diminish the forgetting in list-method directed forgetting and context-dependent forgetting. These results show that the effects of part-list cuing on forgotten memories depend critically on the circumstances surrounding the forgetting. If the forgetting reflects impaired access to the original encoding context, as has been suggested in list-method directed forgetting and context-dependent forgetting (but not in proactive interference), part-list cues improve access to forgotten memories; if the forgetting does not reflect such a contextual effect, no such beneficial effects emerge, and access to forgotten memories may even be impaired.     

Triggering memory recovery: Effects of direct and incidental cuing

The present study examined forgetting and recovery of narrative passages varying in emotional intensity, using what we refer to as the “dropout” method. Previous studies of this dropout procedure have used word lists as to-be-remembered material, but the present experiments used brief story vignettes with one-word titles (e.g., “Torture”, “Insects”). These vignettes showed a strong dropout forgetting effect in free recall. Both text and picture cues from the vignettes eliminated the forgetting effect on a subsequent cued recall test. Vignette-related pictures in an incidental picture naming task, however, triggered little recovery of initially forgotten vignettes, as shown on a post-test. The results extend findings of large forgetting and memory recovery effects to materials that are more naturalistic than word lists. The findings also show that picture cues, which trigger strong memory recovery effects on a direct test of memory, had little effect on recovery when cues were encountered incidentally.     

Overcoming the effects of intentional forgetting

The long-term effects of the compartmentalization of task-irrelevant memories were investigated using a directed forgetting procedure. Many models tacitly assume the persistence of the costs and benefits of directed forgetting or otherwise fail to predict what factors might reduce or eliminate them. In contrast, a retrieving effectively from memory model (REM; Lehman & Malmberg, 2009) predicts that intentional forgetting should only be observed for free recall when temporal context is used to probe memory. By manipulating whether study lists were constructed from category exemplars or from a random set of words, and by either providing temporal or category cues at test, we tested the prediction. The effects of directed forgetting were eliminated when categorized lists were studied and category cues were provided. When categorized lists were used but category cues were not provided, the usual costs and benefits of directed forgetting were observed. These results specify the conditions under which the consequences of intentional forgetting can be overcome.     

Directed forgetting of recently recalled autobiographical memories

In 6 experiments, the authors investigated list-method directed forgetting of recently recalled autobiographical memories. Reliable directed forgetting effects were observed across all experiments. In 4 experiments, the authors examined the impact of memory valence on directed forgetting. The forget instruction impaired recall of negative, positive, and neutral memories equally, although overall, participants recalled fewer unemotional memories than emotional memories. The preexisting organization of memories enhanced the directed forgetting effect, and a release from forgetting occurred only when the forgotten memories were directly cued. The authors discuss the roles of emotion, retrieval dynamics, and organization in these effects and suggest that the directed forgetting of recently recalled autobiographical memories may reflect the inhibition of recently formed memories of remembering, that is, episodic inhibition. The authors consider the implications of these findings for the control of autobiographical remembering in everyday life.     

To think or not to think,that is the question: Individual differences in suppression and rebound effects in autobiographical memory

Two studies explored the effects of forget instructions on autobiographical memory at immediate test and following delays of either 12–13 months, or 3–4 months. Using the Autobiographical Think/No-Think procedure (cf., Noreen & MacLeod, 2013), 24 never-depressed participants (Study 1) first generated 12 positive and 12 negative autobiographical memories and associated cues. Participants were then asked to recall the memory associated with some of the cues (i.e., ‘think’ condition), or to avoid saying or thinking about the memory associated with other cues (i.e., ‘no-think’ condition). Participants were then asked to recall the memories associated with all the cues at immediate test and following a delay of 12–13 months. Participants were found to be successful at forgetting both positive and negative autobiographical memories following ‘no-think’ instructions at immediate test but this forgetting effect did not persist following a 12–13 month delay. This pattern of remembering and forgetting was replicated in a second study (using 27 never-depressed participants) following a 3–4 month delay. Participants who had been less successful at forgetting ‘no-think’ memories at immediate test, were more likely to show rebound effects for those memories following a delay compared to memories which received neither ‘think’ nor ‘no-think’ instructions. Individual differences in inhibitory control and the efficacy of potential therapeutic interventions of ‘no-think’ instructions are considered.     

Influences of intentional and unintentional forgetting on false memories

In 2 experiments, we examined the interplay of 2 types of memory errors: forgetting and false memory--errors of omission and commission, respectively. We examined the effects of 2 manipulations known to inhibit retrieval of studied words--directed forgetting and part-list cuing--on the false recall of an unstudied "critical" word following study of its 15 strongest associates. Participants cued to forget the 1st of 2 studied lists before studying the 2nd recalled fewer List 1 words but intruded the missing critical word more often than did participants cued to remember both lists. By contrast, providing some studied words as cues during recall reduced both recall of the remaining studied words and intrusions of the critical word. The results suggest that forgetting can increase or decrease false memories, depending on whether such forgetting reflects impaired access to an entire episode or retrieval competition among elements of an episode.     

Disrupting attention: The need for retrieval cues in working memory theories

Sometimes in conversation, something is said that causes us to want to comment, but before our impending but implicit thoughts can be expressed, the conversation is disrupted. Later, we cannot recall what we wanted to say, but still later, we can. We used the extralist cuing task to model this phenomenon, and across experiments we varied the strength, direction, and directness of the relationship between the retrieval cues and the targeted information. Disruption was varied by switching attention to a different task before testing and by changing the testing context. Such disruptions reduced recall for the target and its implicitly activated memories. Following a disruption, stronger cues that were related to the target or to both the target and its implicit memories were more effective than those that were related to implicit memories. The findings were consistent with a model of long-term working memory that attributes forgetting to a loss of access to what has been activated, which loss is relative to the strength of the retrieval cue. Decay alone does not explain the results, indicating that many models of working memory need to be revised to take the nature of retrieval cues into account.     

压抑遗忘的影响因素

人在生活中的一些负性经历或无效信息可以通过压抑提取而遗忘,这种遗忘称为压抑遗忘。压抑遗忘不仅受压抑时长、压抑次数、实验材料的情绪效价和唤醒度、期待效应等的影响,还受个体的年龄和精神障碍等的影响。今后应着重考察精神疾病个体记忆控制网络内的连接强度与压抑遗忘的关系,澄清压抑遗忘是否存在补偿机制。     

压抑遗忘的影响因素

人在生活中的一些负性经历或无效信息可以通过压抑提取而遗忘,这种遗忘称为压抑遗忘。压抑遗忘不仅受压抑时长、压抑次数、实验材料的情绪效价和唤醒度、期待效应等的影响,还受个体的年龄和精神障碍等的影响。今后应着重考察精神疾病个体记忆控制网络内的连接强度与压抑遗忘的关系,澄清压抑遗忘是否存在补偿机制。     

Eliciting and comparing false and recovered memories: an experimental approach

We describe an experimental paradigm designed to elicit both recovered and false memories in the laboratory. All participants saw, on a video screen, three critical categorized lists of words mixed in randomly with eighteen filler categorized lists. Those in the blocking condition then had several paper‐and‐pencil tasks that involved only the 18 non‐critical filler lists. An uncued recall test was then given, asking participants to recall all the lists they originally saw on the video screen. Finally, there was a cued recall test that provided category cues for the three critical lists. Substantial memory blocking of critical lists on the uncued test and recovery on the cued recall test was observed in all three experiments. In Experiments 2 and 3, many false and recovered memories were elicited on the cued recall test by including cues for the three critical (forgotten) lists, plus cues for three lists that had never been presented. False memories were distinguishable from truly recovered memories in cued recall by ‘know’ versus ‘remember’ judgements, and by confidence ratings; accurately recovered memories were associated with higher confidence. False and recovered memories could not be discriminated based on recall latency. The results repeatedly show powerful effects of memory blocking and recovery. We also show that recovered and false memories can be elicited within a single experimental procedure, and there may be unique characteristics of each. Although we urge caution in generalizing to false and recovered memories of trauma, we suggest that variations of our comparative memory paradigm may be useful for learning about such phenomena. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

负性情绪材料的定向遗忘及心理机制

采用项目法定向遗忘的研究范式,在两个实验中分别采用文字和图片材料考察了情绪性记忆定向遗忘的效果及其心理机制。实验中采用了中性和负性两种实验材料,设置了两种记忆指令出现时间（2秒后提示和5秒后提示）,相对于中性材料,被试更不容易忘记负性材料。记忆指令出现的时间只影响图片材料的定向遗忘。研究表明负性情绪会干扰定向遗忘,选择性编码理论可以解释情绪性文字材料的定向遗忘,而抑制理论更能解释情绪性图片材料的定向遗忘效应。     

A neural network model of retrieval-induced forgetting

Retrieval-induced forgetting (RIF) refers to the finding that retrieving a memory can impair subsequent recall of related memories. Here, the authors present a new model of how the brain gives rise to RIF in both semantic and episodic memory. The core of the model is a recently developed neural network learning algorithm that leverages regular oscillations in feedback inhibition to strengthen weak parts of target memories and to weaken competing memories. The authors use the model to address several puzzling findings relating to RIF, including why retrieval practice leads to more forgetting than simply presenting the target item, how RIF is affected by the strength of competing memories and the strength of the target (to-be-retrieved) memory, and why RIF sometimes generalizes to independent cues and sometimes does not. For all of these questions, the authors show that the model can account for existing results, and they generate novel predictions regarding boundary conditions on these results.     

Selective memory retrieval can impair and improve retrieval of other memories

Research from the past decades has shown that retrieval of a specific memory (e.g., retrieving part of a previous vacation) typically attenuates retrieval of other memories (e.g., memories for other details of the event), causing retrieval-induced forgetting. More recently, however, it has been shown that retrieval can both attenuate and aid recall of other memories (K.-H. T. B?uml & A. Samenieh, 2010). To identify the circumstances under which retrieval aids recall, the authors examined retrieval dynamics in listwise directed forgetting, context-dependent forgetting, proactive interference, and in the absence of any induced memory impairment. They found beneficial effects of selective retrieval in listwise directed forgetting and context-dependent forgetting but detrimental effects in all the other conditions. Because context-dependent forgetting and listwise directed forgetting arguably reflect impaired context access, the results suggest that memory retrieval aids recall of memories that are subject to impaired context access but attenuates recall in the absence of such circumstances. The findings are consistent with a 2-factor account of memory retrieval and suggest the existence of 2 faces of memory retrieval.     

No retrieval-induced forgetting using item-specific independent cues: evidence against a general inhibitory account

Retrieval practice with particular items from memory can impair the recall of related items on a later memory test. This retrieval-induced forgetting effect has been ascribed to inhibitory processes (M. C. Anderson & B. A. Spellman, 1995). A critical finding that distinguishes inhibitory from interference explanations is that forgetting is found with independent (or extralist) cues. In 4 experiments, the authors tested whether the forgetting effect is cue-independent. Forgetting was investigated for both studied and unstudied semantically related items. Retrieval-induced forgetting was not found using item-specific independent cues for either studied or unstudied items. However, forgetting was found for both item types when studied categories were used as cues. These results are not in line with a general inhibitory account, because this account predicts retrieval-induced forgetting with independent cues. Interference and context-specific inhibition are discussed as possible explanations for the data.     

Cognition through a social network: the propagation of induced forgetting and practice effects

Although a burgeoning literature has shown that practice effects and socially shared retrieval-induced forgetting can reshape the memories of speakers and listeners involved in a conversation, it has generally failed to examine whether such effects can propagate through a sequence of conversational interactions. This lacuna is unfortunate, since sequences of social interactions are more common than single, isolated ones. The present research explores how people exposed to attitudinally biased selective practice propagate the practice and forgetting effects into subsequent conversations with attitudinally similar and dissimilar others and, through these conversations, affect subsequent acts of remembering. The research establishes that the propagation of retrieval-induced forgetting and practice effects is transitive. It also determines when attitude influences propagation. These findings are discussed in the context of the formation of collective memories.     

自我参照对情绪性记忆定向遗忘的影响

关于自我参照效应的研究大多从信息编码角度考察自我参照的加工优势, 但作为记忆过程的另一重要方面, 自我参照对遗忘影响的研究较少。遗忘自身经历的情绪性记忆是日常生活中的常见现象。研究采用项目法定向遗忘范式(item-method directed forgetting)考察了自我参照对情绪性记忆定向遗忘的影响。实验一和实验二的结果都表明参照方式会影响定向遗忘：自我参照条件下的材料会发生定向遗忘; 而他人参照条件下的材料不会发生定向遗忘, 两种参照方式下材料间区辨性的不同是导致这一现象的原因。此外, 实验二采用回忆测试发现：自我参照对不同效价的情绪性记忆定向遗忘产生了不同影响, 而自我提升(self-enhancement)动机在其中起着重要的调节作用。     

Effects of implicit memory on explicit recall: Set size and word-frequency effects

PIER was designed to explain findings related to tasks involving an encoding phase and a testing phase in which retrieval cues prime the recovery of what has been encoded. The model assumes that retrieval cues initiate the sampling of associated memories linked to the encoded information and that sampled memories are subjected to a recognition check to determine whether they meet criteria specified by the purpose of the retrieval. The model explains how the number of implicitly activated associates linked to a studied word affects its later recovery and predicts that words infrequently experienced will be recovered with greater likelihood than words frequently experienced. This prediction was tested and confirmed in two experiments in which the associative set size and the frequency of the studied words were manipulated. Implications for the study of implicit memory are considered.     

Intention superiority effect on implicit memory of shopping lists: Activation and inhibition processes

Intentional memory is defined as the ability to remember to perform intentions in the future. Forming an intention such as “shopping” activates access to memories related to the products on the shopping list. As Intention Superiority Effect (ISE) studies show, these memories are more accessible in semantic and episodic memory, more activated over time and protected from competing representations. The inhibition of competing representations in intentional memory has been little examined so far. In this study we attempt to analyze changes in activation in the recall of products on a shopping list and competitors through implicit memory tasks. Sixty-five participants learned two shopping lists on a computer. Later, they were told to virtually buy one of them (prospective list) and not the other (neutral list). Prior to intentional task execution, they performed an implicit retrieval task in which we manipulated the appearance or not of cues from the intentional list and analyzed the influence of the items from the intentional list on items related to intentional and neutral lists. The main result of this study is that intention retrieval by intentional cues strengthens the activation of products related to the intentional list and/or inhibits competing products related to the neutral list. The inhibition is episodic rather than semantic in nature. The ISE requires the recall of the intention during the retention period through intentional cues for maintaining the intention. This seems to defend automatic recovery theories and not the intention persistence hypothesis. Also, the results are better explained by the directed forgetting paradigm rather than by the retrieval-induced forgetting paradigm.     

Organization in autobiographical memory

Three experiments investigated timed autobiographical memory retrieval to cue words and phrases. In the first experiment, subjects retrieved memories to cues that named semantic category members and were primed with the superordinate category name or with a neutral word. No prime effects were observed. In the second experiment, subjects retrieved memories to primed and unprimed semantic category cues and to personal primes and personal history cues. Personal primes named lifetime periods (e.g., “school days”) and personal history cues named general events occurring in those lifetime periods for each subject (e.g., “holiday in Italy”). Only personal primes were found to significantly facilitate memory retrieval. A third experiment replicated this finding and also failed to find any prime effects to primes and cues naming activities not directly related to an individual’s personal history. In this experiment, characteristics of recalled events (e.g,, personal importance, frequency of rehearsal, pleasantness, and specificity of the memory) were found to be strongly associated with memories retrieved to personal cues and only mildly associated with memories retrieved to other types of cues. These findings suggest that one way in which autobiographical memories may be organized is in terms of a hierarchically structured abstracted personal history.     

Stimulus generalization, context change, and forgetting

Forgetting is often attributed to retrieval failure caused by background contextual cues changing over time. However, generalization between stimuli may increase over time and make them increasingly interchangeable. If this effect occurs with contextual cues, it might cancel any effect of a changing context. The authors review the evidence and suggest a resolution of this paradox. Although generalization gradients can change over time, the effect is not always strong. Increased responding to nontarget stimuli is not often shown, and few studies have demonstrated such changes with contextual cues in a way that rules out other interpretations. Even this example of forgetting may be caused by retrieval failure. The physical contexts manipulated in learning and memory experiments themselves occur within a superordinate temporal context and can thus be forgotten with no inherent challenge to a context-change account of forgetting.