列宁政治伦理思想论纲

列宁在建设社会主义国家的政治实践中形成了较为系统的政治伦理思想架构.其政治伦理思想涉及到了政治的基本价值理念,政治制度的合理设计,执政党的道德建设和公民道德建设等诸多问题.列宁的政治伦理思想体现出了鲜明的实践理性品格,对于我们今天的道德实践具有重要的启迪借鉴价值.     

先秦儒家道德修养方法及其时代价值

先秦儒家主张以"仁"、"礼"作为做人的根本原则,提出了一系列的道德修养方法,应当正确看待这些方法.它们对我们今天构建社会主义和谐社会,进行公民道德建设,加强自身道德修养,等等,都具有重要的参考价值和积极的借鉴意义.     

借鉴儒家伦理培育公民道德的思考

随着社会主义市场经济与民主政治的发展,开展公民道德教育,培育公民道德等都成为摆在我们面前的现实问题。这需要从以儒家伦理文化中吸取资源。因为,从文化的角度看,道德具有历史的延续性,而新的道德也离不开历史的基础。然而,这种吸取是有条件的,一方面需要对儒家伦理进行精华与糟粕的辨析,另一方面,需要结合传统与现代的时代特征,既厘清儒家伦理和公民道德之间的区别,又探寻两者的关联,在此前提下提炼可供吸取的资源。     

先秦儒家"和为贵"的政治伦理追求

“和为贵”是先秦儒家政治伦理思想的核心理念和本质特征。重视“人和”的社会管理思想．强调“民为邦本”的和谐社会基础,提倡“修己安人”的“和”政治伦理要求,构成了先秦儒家“和为贵”的政治伦理内涵。吸取其合理养分,对于我们今天构建社会主义和谐社会仍具有一定的借鉴作用。     

德性之"仁"与规范之"仁"——简论早期儒家的"仁"说及其现代价值

"仁"是早期儒家学说中的重要范畴.这一范畴既表明了儒家所理解并推崇的最高德性,又界定了儒家所主张的人们生活中普遍适用的行为规范.在儒家学者看来,如果一个人在社会生活中能够自觉地坚持"由仁义行",其结果则可为"行仁义".换言之,一个人若能够具备由"仁"这一范畴所表达的美好德性,实践由"仁"这一范畴所界定的伦理规范,其行为就会是道德的行为,亦即能获取自己圆满的人生价值.在儒家学说中,这种以"仁"范畴表达和论释的人的美德与行为规范及二者统一的伦理思想,值得我们在新的时代条件下借鉴与思考.因为人的德性与人的德行统一,德性是德行的基础,具备良好的德性,可导引行为的道德;坚持德行,则可以完善和彰显人的美德,正是今天我们在现实生活中倡导与追求的伦理意识.而这样的伦理意识早已蕴含在儒家以"仁"范畴为中心建构起来的仁学系统之中.     

孔孟荀夫妻伦理思想研究

当代婚姻讲究自由恋爱，人们可以自由地选择自己的爱人伴侣，然而在先秦儒家时代，讲究的是父母之命、媒妁之言，可以说孔孟荀的夫妻之道代表了整个古代中华民族的夫妻伦理道德思想的精华，对我们今天处理夫妻关系，以及处理家庭道德关系有很大的借鉴意义。     

论公民道德建设中的"以人为本"思想

公民道德建设必须坚持"以人为本"的指导思想,即公民道德建设要以多数人的现实道德状况为出发点;以提高人的素质,促进人的全面发展为着眼点;以培养公民成为自觉的道德主体,充分发挥公民的道德主体性为落脚点,使公民道德建设顺应时代的发展和进步.     

儒家"中和"理念及其现代价值

以"中"、"和"为表征的和谐思想是儒家的一个核心理念。它所蕴含的天与地、天与人、人与人、人与己之间的普遍和谐理念以及实现这一至高境界的方法原则,对于当前我国和谐社会的建设乃至和谐世界的实现都具有重要的借鉴意义。     

新时代公民道德人格重塑的社会基础、核心原则与实现路径

新时代公民道德人格的重塑,不仅对于公民个人的自我完善意义重大,而且对于推动社会伦理建设、提高社会文明程度、开启全面建设社会主义现代化强国新征程影响深远。全面深化社会主义市场经济体制改革,创造适度经济条件;不断提高社会治理现代化水平,营造和谐社会氛围;有效提升公民道德自觉意识,培育良好道德能力是新时代公民道德人格重塑的社会基础。主体性、发展性、实践性是新时代公民道德人格重塑的核心原则。注重全面引导,协同推进公民道德教育;激活内生动力,引导公民主动提升道德修养;构建公正合理、运行顺畅的道德回报机制是新时代公民道德人格重塑的实现路径。以重塑公民道德人格为落脚点和着力点,不断提高公民道德实践能力,才能真正做到引导人们向往和追求讲道德、尊道德、守道德的生活,全面提升新时代公民道德建设水平。     

儒家德刑观论析

在道德与法律、德治与刑罚的关系问题上,儒家从其仁爱的思想原则出发,主张为政以德,强调社会管理者自身的道德修养;主张德刑兼治、德主刑辅,重德治、轻刑政;主张宽猛相济,先教后刑;主张富而后教,强调社会道德教化,重视道德对人们行为的规范作用。儒家的德刑观在中国社会长期的历史发展中产生了深远的影响,今天仍然可以为我们的道德建设和法制建设提供许多有益的借鉴和启示。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.