Political Violence in Northern Ireland

This study examined political violence, focusing on paramilitary activity in Northern Ireland, particularly that of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA). The study argued that the parameters of such behavior are similar in some important respects for all conflict-oriented groups, whether national armed forces or paramilitary organizations. The motivation, personal characteristics, and proximate situational influences involved in the violence in Northern Ireland are considered. The analysis draws on concepts and research from social psychology and attempts to construct a tentative psychological framework to facilitate an understanding of political violence in general.     

Changes in ambulance departures for assault calls during COVID-19 pandemic restrictions

Restrictions related to COVID-19 changed the daily behavior of people, including the expression of violence. Although an increased incidence of violent behavior, especially domestic violence, was expected during the pandemic, retrospective analyses have yielded mixed results. Records of ambulance departures to address injuries caused by assaults in the Pilsen region, Czech Republic, during the restrictive measures during the national state of emergency were compared to data from 3 previous years using general linear models. The number and severity of assaults were analyzed for the whole sample and separately for patients of either sex, for residential or nonresidential locations, and for domestic violence. Controlling for the seasonal effects, the number of assaults decreased by 39% during the pandemic restrictions compared to the 3 previous years. No difference was found between the effects of restrictions on assaults resulting in an injury of a male or female patient. The decrease was specifically pronounced in the sample of assaults in nonresidential locations, while no effect of restrictions was observed in assaults in residential locations and domestic assaults. Pandemic restrictions were associated with a decreased incidence of violent assaults that required ambulance services. Although the incidence decreased especially in those assaulted outside of their homes, we found no support for an increase in domestic violence or violence against women. Pandemic restrictions may have served as a protective rather than a risk factor for assaults severe enough to warrant a call for ambulance services.     

Religion,trauma and non-pathological dissociation in Northern Ireland

This study assessed the relationships between non-pathological dissociation, trauma and religion in members of the Northern Irish diaspora in England. One hundred and seventy-nine opportunity sampled participants completed the non-pathological absorption and imaginative involvement items from the Dissociative Experiences Scale, the Age Universal Intrinsic-Extrinsic Religious Orientation Scale, and a measure of exposure to traumatic events in the form of political violence derived from the Irish Social Mobility Survey (1973), the Social Attitudes Survey (1978), the Social Identity Survey (1995) and the Northern Ireland Referendum and Election Survey (1998). Analysis indicated that non-pathological dissociative experiences were not significantly predicted by intrinsic religiosity, extrinsic religiosity, direct exposure to political violence or indirect exposure to political violence, but were significantly predicted by some specific religious practices. Findings are discussed with specific reference to research on dissociation, trauma, and religion.     

Post-traumatic Stress Disorder among child perpetrators and victims of violence from the Northern Uganda civil war: Findings from the WAYS study

War experiences are known risk factors for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other poor psychosocial outcomes. This study aimed to assess the extent to which perpetrating violence (operationalised as intentional and unintentional killing or mutilation) and being a victim of violence (operationalised as being a victim of violence, e. g., witnessing violence, injuries, torture) predict PTSD and other psychosocial outcomes independently in war-affected youth of Northern Uganda. Data on war experiences, PTSD, psychosocial problems, and socio-demographic characteristics were collected from the youth formerly abducted by the Ugandan Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) at baseline (mean age = 22.39 years; SD = 10.47) and at follow-up (mean age = 23.52 years; SD = 9.28) using self-report questionnaires. On average, the participants spent 3.13 years in captivity (SD = 2.99) and were abducted at 14.14 years of age (SD = 4.21). Regression models were fitted to predict PTSD and psychosocial outcomes from perpetrating violence controlling for being a victim of violence and demographic characteristics. Thirty-seven percent (n = 168) reported killing or being responsible for killing while in rebel captivity. After adjusting for being a victim of violence, perpetrating violence remained a statistically significant predictor of PTSD and poor psychosocial outcomes such as depression, anxiety, somatic complaints, psychotic symptoms, and conduct problems. Among war-affected youth returning from LRA captivity, perpetrating violence may just be as toxic a risk factor for PTSD and other psychosocial outcomes as being a victim of violence. Mental health workers should consider both the effects of being a victim of violence and perpetrating violence in treatment planning.     

Psychological distress associated with domestic violence in Northern Ireland

Several studies have noted an association between domestic violence and psychological distress. However, little empirical work has examined behavioral and psychological difficulties, especially with reference to dissociation and guilt, in victims of domestic violence in Northern Ireland. In addition, childhood abuse history has tended not to be assessed in studies conducted in the Province. Using measures designed to assess behavioral and psychological difficulties that are problematic to self and/or others (that is, Brief Symptoms Inventory, General Health Questionnaire, Guilt Inventory), dissociation (that is, Dissociative Experiences Scale, Peritraumatic Dissociative Experiences Questionnaire) and trauma (that is, Traumatic Experiences Checklist), the current study assessed Northern Irish victims of domestic violence from shelter-type accommodation (N=33) and a comparison sample of women from the general population (N=33). The domestic violence group displayed significantly more psychological difficulties, including higher depression, anxiety and dissociation scores. Dissociative episodes at the time of an assault were related to higher on-going dissociative experiences. Finally, the domestic violence sample reported more emotional, physical, and sexual abuse in childhood than the comparison group. Despite the difficulty generalizing from victims of domestic violence in shelter-type accommodation to all victims of spousal abuse, the current results highlight the increased levels of psychological distress in those exposed to abuse by their partner.     

Impact of Conflict on Mental Health in Northern Ireland: The Mediating Role of Intergroup Forgiveness and Collective Guilt

The aim of the present research was to investigate the mediating role of group-level forgiveness and guilt in the relationship between victimhood (the extent to which the conflict affected an individual's life), exposure to violence (the level of violence in their area of residence), and group identity on the one hand, and mild psychiatric morbidity on the other. Specifically the study focused on the psychological impact of the ethnopolitical conflict in Northern Ireland, utilizing people's identification with either the Catholic or Protestant community. Our results revealed that intergroup forgiveness mediated the relationship between both victimhood and group identification, as predictors, and mild psychiatric morbidity. Collective guilt, on the other hand, mediated the relationship between both exposure to violence and group identification, as predictors, and intergroup forgiveness. Overall this study shows that forgiveness and collective guilt can act as mediators in the relationship between impact of ethnopolitical conflict and mental health, at the group level, and thus demonstrates their centrality to the reconciliation process. Implications for intergroup reconciliation initiatives in Northern Ireland are discussed.     

Political Violence and Psychological Well-Being: The Role of Social Identity

A significant body of research points to the central role of identity in creating and maintaining conflict. However, less research has focused on the protective role of social identity in such situations. Using a survey sample of 3,000 participants, 2,000 of whom were resident in a conflict-affected region (Northern Ireland) and 1,000 in a region more distally affected (the Border counties of the Republic of Ireland) the potential moderating and mediating impact of national identification on the relationship between direct and indirect experience of political violence and psychological well-being is examined. Findings indicate that national identification mediates the impact of direct political violence on well-being in Northern Ireland. This relationship is strongest where preferred nationality is relevant to the social division underlying the conflict. Those more distally affected, resident in the Republic of Ireland, did not evidence this pattern of relationships. Discussion of results focuses on the potential positive and negative implications of these findings for personal and societal well-being, respectively.     

Longitudinal Pathways Between Political Violence and Child Adjustment: The Role of Emotional Security about the Community in Northern Ireland

Links between political violence and children’s adjustment problems are well-documented. However, the mechanisms by which political tension and sectarian violence relate to children’s well-being and development are little understood. This study longitudinally examined children’s emotional security about community violence as a possible regulatory process in relations between community discord and children’s adjustment problems. Families were selected from 18 working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Participants (695 mothers and children, M = 12.17, SD = 1.82) were interviewed in their homes over three consecutive years. Findings supported the notion that politically-motivated community violence has distinctive effects on children’s externalizing and internalizing problems through the mechanism of increasing children’s emotional insecurity about community. Implications are considered for understanding relations between political violence and child adjustment from a social ecological perspective.     

Children and Political Violence from a Social Ecological Perspective: Implications from Research on Children and Families in Northern Ireland

The effects on children of political violence are matters of international concern, with many negative effects well-documented. At the same time, relations between war, terrorism, or other forms of political violence and child development do not occur in a vacuum. The impact can be understood as related to changes in the communities, families and other social contexts in which children live, and in the psychological processes engaged by these social ecologies. To advance this process-oriented perspective, a social ecological model for the effects of political violence on children is advanced. This approach is illustrated by findings and methods from an ongoing research project on political violence and children in Northern Ireland. Aims of this project include both greater insight into this particular context for political violence and the provision of a template for study of the impact of children’s exposure to violence in other regions of the world. Accordingly, the applicability of this approach is considered for other social contexts, including (a) another area in the world with histories of political violence and (b) a context of community violence in the US.     

Intergenerational Transmission of Conflict-Related Trauma in Northern Ireland: A Behavior Analytic Approach

Intergenerational transmission of trauma describes the impact that traumatic events experienced by one generation have for the subsequent generation. In Northern Ireland, violent conflict raged between 1969 and 1998, when a peace process begun. This study explored to what extent (if any) parents’ experiences of the conflict influenced how children perceived life in this society. Parents completed a questionnaire, and their children drew 2 pictures, depicting Northern Ireland now and before they were born. Children’s behaviors and awareness of the conflict were influenced by their parents’ experiences and narratives, their age, gender, and school. Parental narrative about the violence was influenced by individual learning history, the child’s age and gender, and present circumstances. A behavior analytic approach is offered.     

Fundamentalism and Political Violence: The Case of Paisley and Ulster Evangelicals

One of the dangers of using the term ‘fundamentalism’ for a wide variety of religiously inspired political movements is that it disguises vital differences. This article examines in great detail the involvement of the evangelical Protestant religious and political leader Reverend Ian Paisley in the political violence of Northern Ireland. It concludes that, despite the context apparently encouraging a Protestant jihad, or holy war, Ulster evangelicals are peaceful and law-abiding. Parallels with American fundamentalism are used to raise the question of contrasts to Islamic fundamentalism. It is argued that fundamentalisms differ in their attitudes towards political violence and that the differences are unlikely to be just a matter of circumstance.     

Fundamentalism and Political Violence: The Case of Paisley and Ulster Evangelicals

One of the dangers of using the term ‘fundamentalism’ for a wide variety of religiously inspired political movements is that it disguises vital differences. This article examines in great detail the involvement of the evangelical Protestant religious and political leader Reverend Ian Paisley in the political violence of Northern Ireland. It concludes that, despite the context apparently encouraging a Protestant jihad, or holy war, Ulster evangelicals are peaceful and law-abiding. Parallels with American fundamentalism are used to raise the question of contrasts to Islamic fundamentalism. It is argued that fundamentalisms differ in their attitudes towards political violence and that the differences are unlikely to be just a matter of circumstance.     

A combination of combat experience,early abduction,and severe traumatization fuels appetitive aggression and violence among abductees of rebel war in Northern Uganda

Individuals who perpetrate violence may likely perceive violence as appealing and infliction of violence to derive pleasure is termed as appetitive aggression. Individuals who were abducted as children into an armed group often experience a higher number of traumatic event types, that is traumatic load and are usually socialized in a violence-endorsing environment. This study aims to investigate the interaction between age at initial abduction with that of traumatic load, and their influence on appetitive aggression along with perpetration of violent acts by former members of an armed rebel group of both sexes. Semi-structured interviews were conducted among a target group of formerly abducted rebel-war survivors (including participants with and without combat experience) from Northern Uganda. Participants included 596 women and 570 men with N = 1,166 (M_age = 32.58, SD_age = 9.76, range: 18–80 years). We conducted robust linear regression models to investigate the influence of age at initial abduction, traumatic load, combat experience, and biological sex on appetitive aggression as well as their perpetrated violent acts. Our study shows, appetitive aggression and the number of perpetrated violent acts were specifically increased in individuals who were abducted young, experienced several traumatic events in their lifetime, and with previous combat experience. For perpetrated violence men showed increased levels whereas for appetitive aggression the association was independent of biological sex. Therefore, early abducted individuals with a higher traumatic load, who have combat experience, need to be given special intervention to prevent any further violence.     

“Girls Can Wrestle Too”: Gender Differences in the Consumption of a Television Wrestling Series

Gender differences associated with viewing,modeling and talking about a particular televisionwrestling series (WWF) were studied inelementary-schools in Israel. Discussion is based on ananalysis of 901 completed questionnaires and 254 personalinterviews with Jewish children of varioussocio-economical backgrounds and geographical locations.Survey and interview evidence suggested that themajority of the girls were less interested in viewingWWF than boys, and hardly ever joined in the fights atschool. For most girls, opposing WWF served to reinforcetheir gender identity and to separate them from the world of violence and force. For othergirls, WWF provided an opportunity to explore themasculine body and occasionally to safely explore malenorms of behavior. As a whole, girls in this studyappreciated violence less and were much more critical of itthan boys.     

Just War Theory and the IRA

ABSTRACT The Irish Republican Army (IRA) sometimes claim that their violent actions are sanctioned by traditional just war doctrine. To what extent is this true? To answer this question it is necessary to have a clear grasp of the principles of just war and of the situation in Northern Ireland to which they are to be applied. This is done in the first sections, and it is then argued that just war sanctions some kinds of violence in Northern Ireland but only those of direct self-defence. Violence outside the borders of Northern Ireland or for the sake of Irish Unity is not justifiable. Consequently the IRA must be viewed, in terms of just war theory at any rate, as in principle illegitimate, even though some of their actions are defensible. Finally it is suggested that non-violence, after the pattern of Gandhi, while not required by justice might nevertheless be preferable.     

Was the Northern Ireland Conflict Religious?

This article considers the claim that the conflict in Northern Ireland was irreducibly religious. After a brief account of the history of the Northern Ireland conflict, the different arguments and counter arguments that bear on the role of religion in causing and sustaining the conflict are considered. An examination of the relationship of Islam to terrorism and the events of 9/11 provides a comparative perspective that is used both to identify similarities and differences between the situation in Ireland and elsewhere and to distinguish and discriminate between different ways in which religious sanction is given to violence. The implications of our findings are then explored with regard to our understanding of the Northern Ireland conflict and with regard to our understanding of the nature of religion more generally.     

Predictors of Strength of In‐Group Identity in Northern Ireland: Impact of Past Sectarian Conflict,Relative Deprivation,and Church Attendance

Social identity in Northern Ireland is multifaceted, with historical, religious, political, social, economic, and psychological underpinnings. Understanding the factors that influence the strength of identity with the Protestant or Catholic community, the two predominate social groups in Northern Ireland, has implications for individual well‐being as well as for the continuation of tension and violence in this setting of protracted intergroup conflict. This study examined predictors of the strength of in‐group identity in 692 women (mean age 37 years) in post‐accord Northern Ireland. For Catholics, strength of in‐group identity was positively linked to past negative impact of sectarian conflict and more frequent current church attendance, whereas for Protestants, strength of in‐group identity was related to greater status satisfaction regarding access to jobs, standard of living, and political power compared with Catholics; that is, those who felt less relative deprivation. The discussion considers the differences in the factors underlying stronger identity for Protestants and Catholics in this context. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.