马祖道一禅师入闽传法与建阳佛迹岭

<正>马祖道一禅师（709-788）是中晚唐时期禅门中的大成者,也是中国禅宗史上继六祖慧能后禅宗中国化的重要弘扬者和实践者之一,同时还是中国丛林寺院发展的奠基者,素有“马祖建丛林,百丈立清规”之说。道一禅师开创的洪州禅,也称为洪州宗,门下弟子遍布天下,以百丈怀海、西堂智藏、南泉普愿最为闻名。其“即心是佛,非心非佛,平常心是道”的禅修理念和佛性思想对中国禅宗的发展和革新有着重要的影响。     

马祖道一"平常心是道"的禅道理念

马祖道一创立洪州禅系的成功及其"平常心是道"这一禅学理念的形成与广泛传播,标志着禅学中国化的完成."平常心是道"在本质上是一种随缘任运,顺乎自然的禅道自然观."触类是道"是马祖突出生活意味的生活禅之理论基石.禅悟直觉与平常心的内在关联是悟道必须在日常生活中自然地进行.从心性本体论的"自性"高度看,平常心的另一内核在于它所具有的真实价值;"立处即真",使"平常心是道"的禅道自然观开启了洪州禅系更富创意而自由,更加活泼而自然的宗风.     

临济义玄禅学思想述评

禅宗五家中,以临济宗最具中国禅的特色,而开创临济这一系的,是义玄禅师。铃木大拙在《禅与西方思想》中称他是"中国禅宗思想史上第一位禅师"。     

《黄檗山断际禅师传心法要》禅学思想探微

<正>《黄檗山断际禅师传心法要》(以下简称“《传心法要》”)因晚唐名相裴休于钟陵(江西进贤)、宛陵(安徽宣城)任上礼请黄檗希运安居龙兴、开元二寺,旦夕受法,退而记之而作。黄檗希运作为洪州禅思想的总结者,是最终形成临济一脉禅风思想的重要桥梁,其弟子临济义玄在“即心是佛、机锋棒喝”的引领下最终形成了独具特色的临济禅法。《传法心要》作为希运思想的集大成载体,是中国禅思想发展史上的重要作品。     

论古印度主流禅修与佛教禅修的相互影响

在印度禅修理论上,现代学者多从印度主流禅修对佛教禅修的影响进行研究,认为四禅理论出自佛教之前的主流禅修。本文认为,虽然佛教禅修思想是在古印度主流禅修思想的基础上发展而来,某些术语及含义也借鉴了主流禅修理论,但佛教禅修理论形成后也对主流禅修思想产生了一定影响,四禅结构的形成是佛教自身的创造,唯佛教独有,四无色定可能是从外面借来的。这二者的影响不仅是主流禅修对非主流佛教禅修的单向影响关系,而是一种双向互动关系。     

因缘十二种悟道禅门

所谓禅师的悟道因缘,在这里是指促使一位久经修行的禅师开悟的那一种增上缘。禅门的修学,有时历尽千辛万苦而不悟,而最终却因为某种特殊的因缘际会,便一下子叩启了禅师的智慧之门,使他们洞察了人生与宇宙的真谛。这在得道的禅者之中,几乎无一例外地都有过这样一种修学体验。因此,我们研究禅者的悟道因缘,也可以从这个角度对禅悟作一些了解,或许对禅修有一定的参考意义。今综括禅师们的悟道因缘,略作分类,稍加评述,略陈如下。一、于言下即得在丛林中,颇有一些上根利器,他们因为具有超凡的悟性,所以,经名师一指点,当下便彻了心疑,洞见玄奥。以…     

马祖与中国禅宗文化学术研讨会综述

由中国佛教研究所与四川省什邡市"马祖禅文化研究会"主办,四川省什邡市人民政府承办的"马祖与中国禅宗文化学术研讨会"于2005年8月26日至29日在四川省什邡市隆重举行,来自海峡两岸及日本、韩国、美国、新加坡等国家和地区的法师、专家学者八十余人参加了本次研讨会,大会共收到论文71篇.代表们在会议期间围绕与马祖有关的研究展开了内容广泛而又热烈的讨论,从内容上可分为:马祖生平、传法活动的考证与研究、马祖的主要禅法思想及其特色研究、洪州禅系及其思想、论述禅宗公案、马祖禅法与其他禅法的比较、历代禅师对马祖禅法的评判、什邡地区马祖文化资源开发等.     

无相禅师及其弟子的头陀行

无相禅师是净众保唐禅派的关键人物,他的禅法中吸收了头陀行的修持方式,同时也影响了其弟子无住、道一等.通过阅读这些大师的材料可发现,通过头陀行修禅法已成他们禅修最重要的方式之一.而这个禅派头陀行的开创者,也许就非无相莫属.     

荐福弘辩的洪州禅思想

京兆荐福弘辩师承章敬怀晖禅,是洪州宗第二代京禅的代表人物。他与唐宣宗的问答录集中反映了他的洪州禅思想及其特点。他对禅宗的佛心论进行了新的阐释,提出智慧觉照为佛心,心者佛之别号,皇帝日应万机亦是佛心。主张顿悟需假渐修,如人吃饭,不一口便饱。认为外教诸宗持经、念佛、持咒都是如来最上一乘,禅宗祖师契会心印,亦是佛之一化,实无一法与人。弘辩受长安政治文化的影响,既继承了洪州禅的思想,也发展了洪州宗京禅的思想特点和风格。弘辩在会昌法难之后,诏对称旨,既提高了自己的地位,也为洪州宗在京城乃至禅宗在全国的复兴做出了重要贡献,他的禅学思想更影响到后世。     

唐代五台山佛教史(续六)

中国佛教的祥宗是一个具有中国特质的大乘宗派。它开创于唐代的四祖道信大医禅师,经过五祖弘忍大满祥师,特别是六祖惠能大鉴禅师的改革、弘扬、光大,逐渐流布于大江南北、黄河上下。本文认为五台山佛教的禅宗也是形成于唐代,且有牛头宗、北宗和南宗的荷泽宗、洪州宗、沩仰宗和临济宗等派别流布于五台山,从而形成了南北竞秀、顿渐并行、禅净双修、融会诸家、突出践行的五台山禅法。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.