Sleepiness and days of recovery

In the literature recovery after work is taken for granted – one has 16 h off between work bouts and one has 36 h off each weekend. However, the situation for those working irregular work hours may be quite different because of night work, long shifts, or long sequences of working days. Strictly speaking we don't have any scientific support for theories on how recovery days should be patterned. This paper, therefore, brings together data from a series of our own studies that involve irregular work hours, with the specific purpose of looking at the recovery process. The results show that for the average normal office week worker two days of recovery are normally sufficient. For those who work long shifts in long sequences three days are needed for normalization, whereas 12 h shifts in 2–3 day sequences seem not to cause accumulated fatigue. Interestingly, fatigue/sleepiness is often at its peak during the first day of recovery – not the last day of the working week. Air crew and oil rig workers take a longer time to recover, probably because of too much adjustment of the biological clock. As a rule, long haul air crew is usually much more fatigued than short haul crew during their days off, despite the fact that long haul flying is voluntary and opted for by those who fly it. Also train drivers are affected during their days off by their irregular work hours – in particular backwards rotating schedules seem to cause accumulation of fatigue. The results suggest that one day of recovery never is sufficient, two days usually is, whereas 3–4 days are necessary after periods of severely disturbed circadian rhythmicity.     

The impact of an implementation intention to improve mealtimes and reduce jet lag in long-haul cabin crew

Objective: Jet lag is common place amongst long-haul cabin crew. Timed food has been shown to reset the circadian rhythm in rodents. Implementation intentions have been used to change eating behaviour. Mealtimes could therefore be used as a countermeasure to reduce jet lag and improve alertness in long-haul cabin crew through forming an implementation intention to improve the regularity of meals on days off.

Design: Sixty long-haul crew took part in a randomised controlled trial, with two conditions: forming an implementation intention to eat regular meals on days off vs. no implementation intention. Pre-intervention measurements were taken at baseline (before a long-haul trip) and post-intervention measures were taken on the first and second days off post-trip.

Main outcome measures: Subjective jet lag (unidimensional and multidimensional) and objective alertness (Psychomotor Vigilance Task (PVT)).

Results: Mixed ANOVA showed a significant condition x time interaction for unidimensional jet lag but not for multidimensional jet lag and objective alertness. In particular, the formation of an implementation intention to alter mealtimes resulted in a reduction of unidimensional jet lag.

Conclusion: Implementation intentions can be used to alleviate jet lag in long-haul crew through promoting a change in mealtimes.     

Is Patriotism an Associative Duty?

Associative duties—duties inherent to some of our relationships—are most commonly discussed in terms of intimate associations such as of families, friends, or lovers. In this essay I ask whether impersonal associations such as state or nation can also give rise to genuinely associative duties, i.e., duties of patriotism or nationalism. I distinguish between the two in terms of their objects: the object of patriotism is an institutionalized political community, whereas the object of nationalism is a group of people who share a common identity, often grounded in a belief in shared history, and an aspiration for collective self-government together. I explore three arguments for the thesis that a special concern for one’s polity and fellow-citizens, or one’s nation and co-nationals, is an associative duty: from reciprocity, from collective self-determination, and from the well-being of compatriots or co-nationals. I argue that the relationship among compatriots is a more plausible contender for generating associative duties than the relationship among co-nationals, although even in this case there are questions whether these are genuinely associative duties, or simply special duties. Although the relationship among co-nationals is a less plausible contender for associative duties, the well-being argument does apply to the relationship among both co-nationals and compatriots. I also suggest that there is a certain privileging of the status quo in the way that associative duties arguments work, because they tend to operate from existing relations and associations.     

Giving Up the Goods: Rethinking the Human Right to Subsistence,Institutional Justice,and Imperfect Duties

Either a person's claim to subsistence goods is held against institutions equipped to distribute social benefits and burdens fairly or it is made regardless of such a social scheme. If the former, then one's claim is not best understood as based on principles setting out a subsistence goods entitlement, but rather on principles of equitable social distribution — a fair share. If, however, the claim is not against a given social scheme, no plausible principle exists defining what counts as a reasonable burden for any of the available agents to secure subsistence. No justifiable principle exists implying generalised perfect duties any agent could clearly follow or clearly breach that secure subsistence conditions for others. At best we can justify rescue duties under very specific conditions, or general but imperfect duties to improve arrangements. Neither of these obviously correlates with human rights standards. Attempts in the literature to overcome the dilemma by claiming basic rights can correlate with imperfect duties or can generate duties to work towards institutions that ‘perfect’ our imperfect duties, are faulty. I then show how the dilemma can be avoided by accounts of human rights focusing on minimum respectful treatment rather than goods or interests.     

Co-operation processes in dynamic environment management: evolution through training experienced pilots in flying a highly automated aircraft

Dynamic environment management (process control, aircraft piloting, etc.) increasingly implies collective work components. Pragmatic purposes as well as epistemological interests raise important questions on collective activities at work. In particular, linked to the technological evolution in flight management, the role of the 'collective fact' appears as a key point in reliability. Beyond the development of individual competencies, the quality of the 'distributed' crew activity has to be questioned. This paper presents an empirical study about how experienced pilots co-ordinate their information and actions during the last period of training on a highly automated cockpit. A task of disturbance management (engine fire during takeoff) is chosen as amplifying cognitive requirements. Analysis focuses on the transitions between the main task and the incident to be managed. Crew performance and co-operation between two pilots are compared in three occurrences of the same task: the results are coherent with the hypothesis of a parallel evolution of the crew performance and its internal co-operation, and show that prescribed explicit co-operation is more present on action than on information about the 'state of the world'. Methodological issues are discussed about the possible effects of the specific situation of training, and about the psychological meaning of the results.     

Basic Positive Duties of Justice and Narveson's Libertarian Challenge

Are positive duties to help others in need mere informal duties of virtue or can they also be enforceable duties of justice? In this paper I defend the claim that some positive duties (which I call basic positive duties) can be duties of justice against one of the most important principled objections to it. This is the libertarian challenge, according to which only negative duties to avoid harming others can be duties of justice, whereas positive duties (basic or nonbasic) must be seen, at best, as informal moral requirements or recommendations. I focus on the contractarian version of the libertarian challenge as recently presented by Jan Narveson. I claim that Narveson's contractarian construal of libertarianism is not only intuitively weak, but is also subject to decisive internal problems. I argue, in particular, that it does not provide a clear rationale for distinguishing between informal duties of virtue and enforceable duties of justice, that it can neither successfully justify libertarianism's protection of negative rights nor its denial of positive ones, and that it fails to undermine the claim that basic positive duties are duties of global justice.     

The position of school psychologists in negotiations: One viewpoint

Teachers' associations are becoming increasingly militant. They tend not to represent psychologists in negotiations. School psychologists need both representation and to take a position in relation to work stoppages. He has the following options: (a) identify completely with the teachers' association and its methods and goals and refuse to report during work stoppages; (b) identify with management and perform management duties during the stoppage; or (c) negotiate separately with boards of education, but neither take part in the work stoppage nor assume duties beyond his normal role and function. The last appears to be the better alternative provided the psychologist makes his position clear to both labor and management organizations prior to a work stoppage.     

Paid work,child care,and housework: A national survey of high school seniors' preferences for sharing responsibilities between husband and wife

A large national sample of high school seniors rated their preferences for the allocation of work and family duties within their own prospective marriages. The results indicate that many seniors favor half-time or full-time work for wives without children. On the other hand, the majority prefer that the mother of preschool children stay home, although half-time work is acceptable to many. Respondents who are male or White or did not have a working mother themselves are somewhat more conservative on these issues. Virtually all seniors view less than full-time employment by the husband as unacceptable. With regard to child care and housework, most seniors prefer equal sharing between the spouses. A comparison of four senior classes reveals a slight trend from 1976 to 1979 toward increased sharing of duties.     

Predicting jet lag in long-haul cabin crew: The role of illness cognitions and behaviour

Objective: Established risk factors for jet lag are mostly physiological including circadian preference, age, gender, the number of flight zones crossed and to some extent direction of travel. Some research has also highlighted a role for psychosocial factors including sleep, diet and ‘circadian’ health behaviours and illness cognitions although this remains relatively untested. The aim of this study was to evaluate the role of sleep, diet and illness cognitions in predicting perceived jet lag amongst long-haul crew.

Design: Sixty long-haul crew took part in a longitudinal study. Profile characteristics (including chronotype), preparation strategies (sleep, eating and ‘circadian’ behaviours) and illness cognitions were measured at baseline (before a trip).

Main outcome measures: Subjective jet lag (unidimensional and multidimensional) was measured on the crews’ second day off (post-trip).

Results: Hierarchical regression analyses showed that unidimensional jet lag was predicted by the belief in a cyclical timeline, whereas multidimensional jet lag was predicted by multidimensional jet lag at baseline and to a lesser extent by identity. No role was found for profile characteristics and preparation strategies.

Conclusion: Illness cognitions partly explain the experience of perceived jet lag in long-haul cabin crew indicating that jet lag is in part a psycho-social construct, not just a biological one.     

Duties to Companion Animals

This paper outlines the moral contours of human relationships with companion animals. The paper details three sources of duties to and regarding companion animals: (1) from the animal’s status as property, (2) from the animal’s position in relationships of care, love, and dependency, and (3) from the animal’s status as a sentient being with a good of its own. These three sources of duties supplement one another and not only differentiate relationships with companion animals from wild animals and other categories of domestic animals such as livestock, but they also overlap to provide moral agents with additional reasons for preventing and avoiding harm to companion animals. The paper concludes that not only do owners and bystanders have direct and indirect duties to protect companion animals from harm, but also that these duties have the potential, in some circumstances, to clash with duties owed to the state and fellow citizens.     

Harming Civilians and the Associative Duties of Soldiers

According to International Humanitarian Law and many writing on just war theory, combatants who foresee that their actions will harm or kill innocent non‐combatants are required to take some steps to reduce these merely foreseen harms. However, because often reducing merely foreseen harms place burdens on combatants – including risk to their lives – this requirement has been criticised for requiring too much of combatants. One reason why this might be the case is that combatants have duties to each other and to their compatriots, such as duties to keep them safe, which are weighty enough to override their duties to foreign non‐combatants. In this article, I argue that arguments against the requirement to limit merely foreseen harms which rely on combatants' associative duties fail to establish that it is permissible for combatants to prioritise their own safety over the reduction of merely foreseen harms. Although the argument based on associative duties might work in individual cases, factors peculiar to the situation of combatants mean that such justifications are not normally available to them.     

Cockpit-cabin communication: II. Shall we tell the pilots?

In a previous article (Chute & Wiener, 1995), we explored the coordination between the "two cultures" in an airliner's crew: cockpit and cabin. In this article, we discuss a particular problem: the dilemma facing the cabin crew when they feel that they have safety-critical information and must decide whether to take it to the cockpit. We explore the reasons for the reluctance of the flight attendant to come forward with the information, such as self-doubt about the accuracy or importance of the information, fear of dismissal or rebuke by the pilots, and misunderstanding of the sterile cockpit rule. Insight into crew attitudes was based on our examination of accident and incident reports and data from questionnaires submitted by pilots and flight attendants at two airlines. The results show confusion and disagreement about what is permissible to take to the cockpit when it is sterile, as well as imbalances in authority and operational knowledge. Possible remedies are proposed.     

On-call work and physicians’ turnover intention: the moderating effect of job strain

Physician shortage and turnover are major problems worldwide. On-call duties may be among the risk factors of high turnover rates among physicians. We investigated whether having on-call duties is associated with physicians’ turnover intention and whether job strain variables moderate this association. The present study was a cross-sectional questionnaire study among 3324 (61.6% women) Finnish physicians. The analyses were conducted using analyses of covariance adjusted for age, gender, response format, specialization status and employment sector. The results showed that job strain moderated the association between being on-call and turnover intention. The highest levels of turnover intention were among those who had on-call duties and high level of job strain characterized by high demands and low control opportunities. The lowest levels of turnover intention were among those who were not on-call and who had low strain involving low demands and high control. Also, job demands moderated the association between being on-call and turnover intention; turnover intention levels were higher among those with on-call duties and high demands than those being on-call and low demands. To conclude, working on-call was related to physicians’ turnover intention particularly in those with high job strain. Health care organizations should focus more attention on working arrangements and scheduling of on-call work, provide a suitable working pace and implement means to increase physicians’ participation and control over their job.     

Gratitude As A Virtue

In my view, gratitude is better understood as a virtue than as a source of duties. In addition to showing how virtue theory provides a better match for our moral phenomenology of gratitude, I argue that recent work in the area of the suberogatory, our considered judgments concerning the role of third parties, our reluctance to posit claim-rights to gratitude, and the observations of preceding studies of the subject all lend support to my contention that the language of duties is ill-suited to describe the moral dynamics of gratitude.     

Detachment and defeasibility in deontic logic

The purpose of the paper is to present a logical framework that allow to formalize a kind of prima facie duties, defeasible conditional duties, indefeasible conditional duties and actual (indefeasible) duties, as well as to show their logical interconnections.     

Appetitive and Aversive Reinforcement Schedule Effects on Behavior: A Systematic Replication

Three male volunteers lived for six successive days within a laboratory environment programmed for continuous residence. During days when subjects' work on a multiple task performance battery had the effect of preventing reductions in accumulated group earnings, all subjects complained, one subject stopped working, and another subject's productivity declined. When identical work had the effect of incrementing group earnings, such byproducts of aversive control were absent. These results extend the generality of previous analyses of reinforcement schedule effects on behavior and thereby demonstrate their reliability. The reactions of the subjects to the aversive reinforcement schedule were similar to the reactions of the crew manning the last Skylab mission.