On the relation between spontaneous perspective taking and other visuospatial processes

Common processes and representations engaged by visuospatial tasks were investigated by looking at four frequently used visuospatial research paradigms, the aim being to contribute to a better understanding of which specific processes are addressed in the different paradigms compared. In particular, the relation between spontaneous and instructed perspective taking, as well as mental rotation of body-part/non-body-part objects, was investigated. To this end, participants watched animations that have been shown to lead to spontaneous perspective taking. While they were watching these animations, participants were asked to explicitly adopt another perspective (Experiment 1), perform a mental object rotation task that involved a non-body-part object (Experiment 2), or perform a mental rotation of a body-part object (Experiment 3). Patterns of interference between the tasks, reflected in the reaction time patterns, showed that spontaneous and instructed perspective taking rely on similar representational elements to encode orientation. By contrast, no such overlap was found between spontaneous perspective taking and the rotation of non-body-part objects. Also, no overlap in orientation representation was evident with mental body-part rotations. Instead of an overlap in orientation representations, the results suggest that spontaneous perspective taking and the mental rotation of body parts rely on similar—presumably, motor—processes. These findings support the view that motor processes are involved in perspective taking and mental rotation of body parts.     

视觉观点采择中自我中心性偏差的抑制和归因之争

自我中心性偏差是社交失败的重要原因,但其产生机制还存在争议。以往研究存在抑制性选择模型与流利性错误归因两种理论观点:前者认为对自身观点的抑制失败会导致自我中心性偏差;后者则认为错误地选择自身更为流畅的信息会导致自我中心性偏差。为整合上述争论,提出抑制-归因协同作用模型,认为抑制和归因两种加工或可共同导致自我中心性偏差。未来研究应借助精巧的研究范式和特殊被试群体,进一步验证该模型。     

Sex differences in risk taking and its attribution

In the original Kogan-Wallach Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (CDQ), an oftused measure of risk-taking disposition, the central character in the majority of items is male. For this study, a revised 10-item CDQ was constructed with content appropriate for both sexes. Two forms were employed, identical in all respects except for the use of a male or female name to identify the central protagonist in each CDQ item. When the two forms were administered to male and female undergraduates, the female form elicited somewhat higher levels of risk taking. This effect was especially pronounced in the male subjects. When asked to specify how their peers would respond to each of the CDQ items, subjects attributed greater caution to female than to male peers relative to their own preferred risk level. The outcomes suggest that subjects (especially males) find highly achieving women in the CDQ items more exceptional than their male counterparts, and hence able to tolerate more risk. In striking contrast, subjects' female peers are considered a rather cautious lot.The present research was formulated in the course of discussions with Marvin Frankel. The authors are enormously grateful for his help and would also like to thank Kathleen Connor and Joel Kostin for their aid in statistical and computer analyses. An earlier version of of this article was presented as a paper at the annual convention of the American Psychological Association, Chicago, 1975. The article was completed during the period (1976–1977) that the senior author was a Visiting Scholar in the Department of Psychology, University of California, Berkeley.     

Gaining perspective on spatial perspective taking

Spatial perspective taking is a term that encompasses a class of phenomena that assess the extent to which a perceiver can access spatial information relative to a viewpoint different from the perceiver’s egocentric viewpoint (e.g. something on my right is on the left of someone facing me). We investigated whether spatial perspective taking that involves judging how objects are oriented around an agent is susceptible to alterations in social motivations. In all experiments, participants saw a picture of two objects and asked to judge the relationship between the objects when there was, or was not, an agent between them. Results from Experiment 1 showed that participants spontaneously described the objects from the agent’s perspective when he was present. Experiments 2 and 3 explored whether this effect was altered by prior participant exposure to manipulations of social inclusion or social exclusion. Results from these two studies demonstrated that socially included participants and socially excluded participants did not differ in their tendencies to adopt the spatial perspective of another. These results are discussed in the context of the results of other studies showing that perspective taking can be influenced by social motivations.     

Experimental manipulations of perspective taking and perspective switching in expressive writing

Previous studies suggest that those who naturally vary their pronoun use over the course of expressive writing subsequently report the greatest improvements in physical and mental health. To explore possible perspective taking or perspective switching effects, two studies manipulated writing perspectives about emotional events from either a first-person, second-person, or third-person perspective. In Study 1, 55 students were randomly assigned to one of the three writing perspectives and were asked to write from the same perspective for three 5-minute writing sessions. In Study 2, 129 students wrote for three 5-minute sessions, one from each perspective in a counterbalanced order. The results showed that writing from a first-person perspective conferred more perceived benefits and was associated with using more cognitive mechanism words, whether engaged in perspective taking or perspective switching.     

Experimental manipulations of perspective taking and perspective switching in expressive writing

Previous studies suggest that those who naturally vary their pronoun use over the course of expressive writing subsequently report the greatest improvements in physical and mental health. To explore possible perspective taking or perspective switching effects, two studies manipulated writing perspectives about emotional events from either a first-person, second-person, or third-person perspective. In Study 1, 55 students were randomly assigned to one of the three writing perspectives and were asked to write from the same perspective for three 5-minute writing sessions. In Study 2, 129 students wrote for three 5-minute sessions, one from each perspective in a counterbalanced order. The results showed that writing from a first-person perspective conferred more perceived benefits and was associated with using more cognitive mechanism words, whether engaged in perspective taking or perspective switching.     

Conversational perspective‐taking and false belief attribution: A longitudinal study

The aim of this study was to explore the developmental links between conversational perspective‐taking and false belief attribution. To examine this, 81 children aged between 3 and 4 years participated in a longitudinal study over a period of 1 year, with three measurement sessions being performed at 6‐month intervals. The children were assessed by means of sets of tasks involving conversational perspective‐taking, false belief attribution and language. The results show that false belief attribution scores, at a given age, are predicted to a significant extent, irrespective of the sessions compared, by the variations in conversational perspective‐taking scores at an earlier age, whereas the reverse is not observed. These results support the hypothesis that perspective‐taking experience contributes to the development of belief representation during the preschool period.     

Two kinds of visual perspective taking

Visual perspective taking can be used to determine where objects are located relative toanother agent, or whether the agent can see a particular object. Four experiments indicated that different processes provide these different kinds of information. When participants were asked to report whether an object was to the left or to the right of another agent, response times (RTs) increased with increasing angular distance between the participant and the agent, suggesting that participants mentally transformed their perspective to align it with that of the agent. For visibility judgments, RTs were independent of the angle between the participant and the agent but increased with the distance between the agent and the object, suggesting that participants traced the agent's line of sight. Together, these data suggest that perspective taking encompasses at least two qualitatively different computational processes: one that updates the viewer's imagined perspective, and one that traces a line of sight.     

When perspective taking increases taking: reactive egoism in social interaction

Group members often reason egocentrically, believing that they deserve more than their fair share of group resources. Leading people to consider other members' thoughts and perspectives can reduce these egocentric (self-centered) judgments such that people claim that it is fair for them to take less; however, the consideration of others' thoughts and perspectives actually increases egoistic (selfish) behavior such that people actually take more of available resources. A series of experiments demonstrates this pattern in competitive contexts in which considering others' perspectives activates egoistic theories of their likely behavior, leading people to counter by behaving more egoistically themselves. This reactive egoism is attenuated in cooperative contexts. Discussion focuses on the implications of reactive egoism in social interaction and on strategies for alleviating its potentially deleterious effects.     

Narrative imagination and taking the perspective of others

Narrative imagination, as MarthaNussbaum (1996) discusses it, is ``the abilityto be an intelligent reader of another person'sstory', an ability tied to being a democraticand cultivated world citizen, one whounderstands the lives of others. Narrativeimagination does not only need knowledge andlogical reasoning but also love and compassion.This article argues that in order to be agenuine tool for democracy, narrativeimagination and consciously taking theperspective of others has to be based on anunderstanding of humans as basicallypluralistic, as homines aperti. Criticalexamination and reflection should be broughtcloser to the lives we live and confront ourhabits and implicit values in order tocultivate us as humans so that we are genuinelyaffected and touched.     

Effects of perspective taking on courtroom decisions

Four experiments examined the hypothesis that perspective taking with a defendant would lead to greater empathy, which would mediate lowered perceptions of culpability, with lowered culpability mediating a lower probability of guilt and recidivism. Experiments 1 and 2 established that perspective taking leads to a lower probability of guilty verdicts and recidivism, mediated by a decreased perception of the defendant's culpability. Experiment 2 showed that it does so by increasing empathy. Experiment 3 showed that perspective taking also heightens the perception of culpability through increased empathy for the victim. Experiment 4 showed that decreased culpability is in part driven by leniency, which is also a function of empathy. We tie our findings into other research investigating links between empathy and perspective taking.     

The effect of culture on perspective taking

People consider the mental states of other people to understand their actions. We evaluated whether such perspective taking is culture dependent. People in collectivistic cultures (e.g., China) are said to have interdependent selves, whereas people in individualistic cultures (e.g., the United States) are said to have independent selves. To evaluate the effect of culture, we asked Chinese and American pairs to play a communication game that required perspective taking. Eye-gaze measures demonstrated that the Chinese participants were more tuned into their partner's perspective than were the American participants. Moreover, Americans often completely failed to take the perspective of their partner, whereas Chinese almost never did. We conclude that cultural patterns of interdependence focus attention on the other, causing Chinese to be better perspective takers than Americans. Although members of both cultures are able to distinguish between their perspective and another person's perspective, cultural patterns afford Chinese the effective use of this ability to interpret other people's actions.     

Countering embarrassment-avoidance by taking an observer's perspective

The fear of embarrassment can have harmful effects in many important consumer domains (e.g. health and financial), especially for high public self-consciousness (PUBSC) consumers. This research examines how adopting the perspective of an observer interacts with trait PUBSC to influence embarrassment-avoidance. Study 1 demonstrates that individuals high in PUBSC (vs. not) are more likely to take an actor’s perspective and to feel personal distress when viewing an ad with an embarrassment appeal. Studies 2–3 show that seeing oneself as an observer is a helpful strategy for combatting embarrassment-avoidance for high PUBSC individuals. This process is effortful and requires cognitive resources. Together, Studies 1–3 demonstrate the power of our theory to explain, predict, and modify embarrassment-avoidance among individuals most likely to anticipate and avoid embarrassment.     

Spatial perspective taking in young children.

Four- and five-year-old children were tested in a spatial perspective task employing a production format. They were shown a photograph of an aspect of a doll house and asked to generate the view on the photograph for a puppet that served as the observer. The house was mounted on a lazy Susan and could be rotated freely by the children. Puppet line of regard (to a corner, side, or rear of the house) and photograph type (fron, corner, side, or rear) constituted within-subject factors. Puppet position, photograph type, and age affected patterns of errors and proportion of correct responses. It was concluded that perspective taking is highly task dependent as well as dependent upon developmental status.     

The triadic systems model perspective and adolescent risk taking

In this special issue, Ernst (2014) outlines the triadic systems model, which focuses on the balanced interaction among three functional neural systems: the prefrontal cortex (regulation/control), striatum (motivation/approach), and amygdala (emotion/avoidance). Asynchrony in maturation timelines, coupled with less mature connectivity across brain regions, is thought to result in unique vulnerabilities for risk taking during the adolescent age period. Yet, the research evidence linking the triadic systems model to differences in risk taking across adolescence and adulthood is equivocal, and few studies have examined how neural development is associated with real-world behavior. In this commentary, we outline research on adolescent risk taking which highlights the importance of considering trait level and situational conditions when examining associations between neural systems and behavior, as well as the need to adopt a lifespan perspective.     

Identifying determinants of refurbished apparel adoption: An attribution theory perspective

Environmental pollution is wreaking havoc on countries all over the world today. Environmental issues are compelling governments, businesses, and consumers to collaborate to mitigate environmental damage. The concept of remanufacturing or refurbishing products has recently gained popularity. This study attempted to identify the determinants of intention to adopt refurbished apparel (IARA). Attribution Theory classified the set of independent variables into two categories namely intrinsic (customer behavior, customer value, and green awareness) and extrinsic (government policies, technological advancements, and reverse logistics). An econometric model was proposed to validate the association between the dependent variable (IARA) and these independent variables. Logistic regression is applied to a survey-based dataset of 210 respondents. The findings significantly validate the association of internal and external variables with IARA. In addition, it was inferred that the internal variables have greater impact than the external variables.     

Modesty as an excellence in moral perspective taking

I argue for an egalitarian conception of modesty. Modesty is a virtue because an apt expression of what is, and is not, morally salient in our attitudes toward persons and is important because we are prone to arrogance, self‐importance, and hero worship. To make my case, I consider 3 claims which have shaped recent discussions: first, that modesty is valuable because it obviates destructive social rankings; second, that modesty essentially involves an indifference to how others evaluate one's accomplishments; and third, the widespread but normatively fraught assumption that the modest person is deserving of credit. Although the first 2 features identify something significant about modesty, they fail to ground it. I argue that appeals to deserved credit bear a larger explanatory burden than has been supposed; they can smuggle in the illegitimate social hierarchies that modesty is supposed to counter. I make my case for modesty as an excellence in moral perspective by arguing that prominent, nonegalitarian, accounts of modesty allow for or promote illegitimate forms of social privilege. Modesty is valuable because it expresses a commitment to fair distribution of basic moral recognition and a skillful response to unjust social hierarchies at odds with this fair distribution.     

Social identification structures the effects of perspective taking

Researchers who study perspective taking are generally optimistic about the potential for interventions to improve intergroup perceptions. The current research provides new insight into the conditions that frame the intergroup outcomes of perspective taking. The results show that the effects of perspective taking are not always positive but depend on perspective takers' degree of identification with the in-group. In two experiments, we demonstrated that adopting the perspective of an out-group member can have damaging effects on intergroup perceptions among group members who are highly identified with the in-group. Specifically, compared with less committed members, those who identified highly with the in-group used a greater number of negative traits to describe the out-group following perspective taking. Such perspective taking also led participants with high in-group identification to judge the out-group less favorably. Understanding how social identity concerns frame the outcome of perspective taking is crucial to its effective employment in intergroup-relations programs.