Race versus social class: Social orientation and cognitive play in black and white middle SES preschool children

Black and white middle socioeconomic status (SES) preschool boys and girls were compared on the frequency with which they interacted socially with peers (people orientation) and on the frequency with which they engaged in nonsocial activity which involved being occupied with some material or task (object orientation). They also were compared on the frequency with which they engaged in the cognitive play types: functional, constructive, and dramatic. No race differences were found for people and object orientation. Sex, but not race, differences were found for level of social interaction. Boys engaged more frequently than girls in the highest level of social interaction. On frequency of the cognitive play types, neither race differences, nor sex differences, nor a race by sex interaction occurred. These findings raise questions about other assumed differences between black and white children. This study underscores the necessity not to treat black children as a monolithic group, but to recognize that sex, SES, and possibly other psychological and sociological characteristics influence their social and cognitive behaviors.     

Recognizing faces across continents: The effect of within-race variations on the own-race bias in face recognition

People are better at recognizing faces of their own race than faces of other racial groups. This own-race bias (ORB) in face recognition manifests in some studies as a full crossover interaction between race of observer and race of face, but in others the interaction is accompanied by main effects or other complexities. We hypothesized that this may be due in part to unacknowledged within-race variation and the implicit assumption that the terms white and black describe perceptually homogeneous race categories. We therefore tested white and black South Africans on their recognition of black and white American faces and black and white South African faces. Our results showed the expected interaction, but only for South African faces. This finding supports explanations of the ORB that are premised on intergroup contact and perceptual experience and highlights the danger of assuming homogeneity of appearance within groups. Author Note     

Perceived Similarity in Interracial Attitudes and Behaviors: The Effects of Belief and Dialect Style1

The present study investigated the role of two types of similarity (attitude similarity and dialect style) on interpersonal attitudes and behaviors in a face-to-face interaction. Sixty subjects interacted with an experimental confederate who was either black or white, spoke either standard white English or a black dialect, and whom the subject perceived as agreeing or disagreeing on an attitude questionnaire. Subjects' nonverbal behavior during the interaction was coded using Mehrabian's scheme of immediacy cues, and attitudes toward the confederate were measured via questionnaire following the interaction. Subjects showed more favorable attitudes toward the white than black confederate and had more positive attitudes toward the black confederate when she spoke white English. Contrary to previous findings, no significant main effect was found for belief similarity. While no significant mean differences were obtained between conditions for the nonverbal measures, correlations between these measures and a measure of likinglfriendship indicated that this relationship differed depending on the race of the confederate and the dialect used. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for the role of perceived similarity in interracial interaction.     

Teacher race,student race,and the behavior problem checklist

The ratings of 458 fourth- and fifth-grade boys were investigated to determine whether or not scores on the Behavior Problem Checklist vary systematically with teacher or student race. Analyses of the data for conduct problems, inadequacyimmaturity, and socialized delinquency indicated that white teachers demonstrate a strong tendency to rate black children as more deviant and white children as less deviant when contrasted with the ratings of black teachers. The ratings of black teachers were found not to vary with student race. No differences among any of the variables were found with regard to personality problems. Possible explanations for the results are discussed, along with implications for the use of the Behavior Problem Checklist in the field.     

Perceptual-motor development of first graders as related to class,race, intelligence,visual discrimination,and motivation

The Bender Motor Gestalt Test was administered to 60 white advantaged, 60 white disadvantaged, and 60 black disadvantaged first graders. Contrary to expectation, there was no significant difference between the perceptual-motor performance of the white advantaged and disadvantaged children despite meaningful group differences in verbal IQ. The disadvantaged black children, however, performed significantly more poorly than either of the white groups. Perceptual-motor proficiency was also examined in relation to sex, intelligence, accuracy of visual discrimination, level of motivation, and familiarity with test content. While no single factor investigated was clearly related to level of perceptual-motor functioning, the perceptual-motor performance of girls regardless of race or class, was found to improve following familiarization with the test figures and heightening of motivation. The educational implications of a group-specific perceptual-motor “lag” are discussed.     

Race × class stereotypes of women

Forty-four undergraduates assigned traditional stereotyping adjectives to middle-class black, middle-class white, lower-class black, and lower-class white female stimulus persons. A multivariate analysis of variance revealed that these Race × Class stereotypes of women differed significantly by race and by social class, but there was no Race × Class interaction. The stereotype of white women was rated significantly higher than that of black women on dependent, passive, and emotional. The stereotype of lower-class women was rated significantly higher than that of middle-class women on confused, dirty, hostile, inconsiderate, and irresponsible. Although the stereotypes of women differed significantly by race and social class, all were stereotypically feminine. In addition, the stereotypes of white women, and of middle-class women were most similar to traditional stereotypes of women. Thus, it was concluded that both race and social class are implicit variables in sex-role stereotypes.     

INTERVIEWER DECISIONS AS A FUNCTION OF APPLICANT RACE, APPLICANT QUALITY AND INTERVIEWER PREJUDICE

This study investigated the impact of the racial attitudes of interviewers, applicant race, and applicant quality on the ratings given applicants. This study used a posttest-only control group approach which was analyzed by a 2 × 2 × 2 factorial ANOVA design. Subjects were 176 white business administration students from a large urban university.
Videotapes of simulated job interviews were produced to control applicant quality and applicant race. A black male and a white male each role-played both a high and a low quality applicant. The main effect for applicant quality was significant, accounting for 50% of the variance in applicant ratings. The main effect for race was significant but not in the predicted direction. Black applicants were rated higher than white applicants. While high quality applicants were rated highly regardless of race, the low quality black applicant was rated higher than the comparably performing white applicant. The interaction of race and interviewers' level of prejudice was significant but not in the predicted direction. Highly prejudiced subjects rated black applicants higher than white applicants. The implications of these results for further research were discussed.     

Race vs belief as determinants of attraction,in a group interaction context

Three experiments which tested the’ effects of race vs belief similarity as determinants of prejudiced responding in a live interaction situation,are reported. Two black and two white confederates engaged a white S in a discussion of an issue (ROTC in Experiments I and II and abortion in III). One white and one black confederate agreed with the S’s position and the other pair disagreed. Ss then rated all four confederates on a variety of scales. Results showed strong belief effects in all three experiments but very few race effects. A few measures showed a “renegade effect” against dissimilar white confederates. It was concluded that simply increasing the power and realism of the experimental situation does not in any important way increase the number of racially prejudiced responses. Some conditions which may elicit strong and consistent race prejudice effects are discussed.     

An exploratory study of the draw-a-person as a measure of racial identity.

The race of the figure drawn on the Draw-A-Person Test is proposed as a measure of acceptance of racial identity. Reliability and validity of this measure were explored in a two-part study. Part 1 confirmed the hypothesis that the race of the figure drawn is related to the race of the child producing the drawing. Comparison of the figures drawn by black (n = 157) and white (n = 167) children confirmed three other hypotheses based on the voluminous literature suggesting that black children are less accepting of their racial group membership than whites. These hypotheses were: (a) whites should be more likely to draw figures that are clearly white than blacks are to draw figures that are clearly black, (b) whites should be less likely to draw blacks than blacks are to draw whites, and (c) blacks should be more likely to avoid giving clear indication of the race of the figures they draw than are whites. Inter-rater reliability for the race of the figure drawn was .79. Five weeks after the initial drawing, a subsample of 28 black children drew a second figure and performed a picture choice task designed to assess acceptance of racial identity. The race of the figure drawn showed a test-retest reliability of .53 and correlated significantly with the other measure of racial identity (r27 = .39).     

Racial differences in behavior disorders of children

This study compared black and white children on the Behavior Problem Checklist. Data on 1,162 white and 614 black children were obtained from school records and from teachers and were analyzed using multiple regression analysis of variance. Blacks were judged to have a greater frequency of behavior disorders than whites. A number of interactions of race with other variables were found, and their meanings were discussed.     

A Note on Racial Difference in Perseveration

An investigation of the relationship between achievement motivation and ethnic composition of schools was undertaken in order to determine if the integrated experience would facilitate achievement motivation among black students. The Edwards Personal Preference Schedule was administered to male and female high school students: 20 black and 37 white students attending an ethnically mixed school, 29 students attending a segregated school with 100% black enrollment, and 49 students attending a segregated all white school. Scores on the need for achievement subscale revealed a significant interaction (p < .01) of school system by race which indicated that students in the mixed school were more similar in their scores and closer to the national norms for that subscale than students in the segregated schools. In addition there was a main effect for race (p < .0001) which indicated that black students had significantly higher scores than white students regardless of the type of school system. There was no main effect for school system. A tentative conclusion proposed that the scores of integrated black students represented more realistic aspirations than did those of segregated black students.     

Do “They all look alike?” The Effect of Race,Sex, Experience,and Attitudes on the Ability to Recognize Faces1

Legal scholars and social scientists have long assumed that there is a racial bias in facial recognition and eyewitness identifications, with persons being much more accurate in identifying persons of their own race, but corroborative research evidence is scanty. In the present study, black and white college students attempted to identify which of a series of facial photos they had seen earlier. As predicted, a strong race of subject by race of picture interaction was found; both black and white subjects were significantly more accurate in identifying pictures of their own race than pictures of the other race. However, contrary to assumptions made by many legal and criminal justice personnel, neither racial attitude nor reported amount of quality of interracial experience were related to ability to recognize pictures. Implications for eyewitness identifications of these and related findings are discussed.     

Relationship of parental education,race, and gender to sex role stereotyping in five-year-old kindergartners

This study examined the relationship of parental education, race, and gender to sex-role stereotyping in five-year-old kindergartners. A significant effect for race and parental education level was noted. White children gave more stereotyped responses than did black children, and children whose parents were in the middle- and high-educational levels gave more stereotyped responses than did children whose parents were in the low-educational level. A significant interaction was also found between educational level of parents and race. White children tended to give more stereotyped responses as the educational level of their parents increased; this trend was not evident for black children. No significant differences in stereotyping were noted between the sexes.To whom requests for reprints or information concerning the Bardwell-Sietsema Sex Stereotype Scale should be addressed at Department of Elementary Education, East Texas State University, Commerce, Texas 75428.     

Reverse Discrimination and Aggressive Behavior

Aggression of each of 32 white male and female university students toward an opponent who had just defeated him in a competition was assessed in a 2 x 2 experimental design in which the winning opponent was either a black or a white and the loss was for one of two reasons: because the opponent 1) was economically deprived or 2) had superior ability. It was assumed that those S s who had lost to a black opponent because this person was economically deprived experienced reverse discrimination based on race. Results indicated that white S s were more aggressive toward a black when the loss was based on economic deprivation (reverse discrimination) than towards a white when the loss was due to economic deprivation (an arbitrary loss but not based on race), whereas white S s were less aggressive towards a black opponent than towards a white opponent when the S s lost because of the other's superior ability. The practical and theoretical implications of these results are discussed.     

DAPs of black and white juvenile incarcerates

Two groups of male juvenile incarcerates were separated on the basis of race, matched in terms of age, recidivism, and intelligence test scores, and given a human figure drawing task. Figures drawn were male and female. The drawings were scored on 14 emotional indicators. The results of the present study offer little consistent or conclusive support for the hypothesis that differences influenced by race can be found in the projective drawings of black and white subjects. The commonly held impressions that there are more incidences of neurotic or psychotic features in the projective tests of black subjects and that the projective drawings of black subjects are generally inferior to the projective drawings of white subjects were not supported by the present study.     

Racial bias in behavioral assessment of children's social skills

The social skills of 20 second- and sixth-grade students were assessed by 20 trained raters using the Social Skills Test for Children (SST-C). Rater and child characteristics were examined to determine whether differences in social skills ratings were due to the race of the rater or the race of the children being rated or due to the interactive effects of these characteristics, which would suggest racial bias in the ratings procedure. The results showed that the race of the rater did affect some behavioral observations. Black raters gave higher scores than white raters on four behavioral categories: response latency, appropriate assertion, effective assertion, and smiling. White raters gave higher scores for head position and gestures. The results of this study replicated earlier findings of significant differences in social skills ratings due to the race and age of the child being rated. The results also showed modest racial bias effects in that black and white raters scored black and white children differentially on two behavioral categories: overall skill ratings and smiling. These results suggested that most behavioral categories of the SST-C were not systematically affected by racial bias. However, the most subjective rating, overall skill, did evidence racial bias effects. This finding is consistent with previous data showing that subjective ratings may be most affected by racial bias.     

Facial Recognition: Weapon Effect and Attentional Focus1

The present experiment investigated the hypothesis that a weapon can serve as a cue that will interfere with the eyewitness’ encoding of the weapon-holder's facial features. Extrapolating from Easterbrook's cue utilization hypothesis, an interaction between arousal and attentional focus was predicted. White female college students played a bogus visual discrimination game in which they saw a total of 24 target photos: six black targets holding a weapon in their hands, six white targets holding weapons, six black targets holding objects other than weapons, and six white targets holding objects other than weapons. Subjects were randomly assigned to view the photos while experiencing white noise and threat of electric shock (high arousal) or without such factors (low arousal). Subjects were also randomly assigned to one of four attentional focus levels: face focus, hand focus, background focus, and free focus. A signal detection-type task provided an assessment of identification accuracy. The data revealed a significant “weapon effect”: Subjects were better at identifying photos of targets who were not holding a weapon than they were at identifying photos of targets who were holding a weapon. Focus of attention and race of target also significantly affected recognition accuracy, as did arousal in one of two analyses. No support was found, however, for the predicted interaction between arousal and attentional focus. Finally, subjects showed a strong criterion shift according to the race of target; they were much more likely to make a “seen before” response to other-race (black) faces than to same-race faces.     

Sharing behavior and racial preference in children

Three groups of white children, 43 preschoolers and first-graders, 46 third-graders, and 44 fifth-graders, were asked to choose either a white child or a black child as a recipient of sharing and also as a companion for several social interaction situations ordered for social distance. The preschoolers and first-graders preferred to share and interact socially with the white child. The third-graders and the fifth-graders displayed a weaker preference for the white child over the black child on the sharing task, no preference in situations of high social distance, and a preference for the white child in situations of low social distance. The results from ancillary measures suggested that the choices of the younger children were motivated by a generalized color preference but that the choices of the older children were guided by an awareness of the social meaning of racial categories.The investigation was supported by the Research Advisory Council of East Tennessee State University.     

Social categorization and person memory: The pervasiveness of race as an organizing principle

Two studies investigated the pervasiveness of race as a social categorization and whether the organization of information around racial categories is sensitive to contextual factors. Both studies measured accentuation effects (more intra- than inter-race errors) and own-group bias (fewer confusions between own- than other-group members) in person memory, using the paradigm developed by Taylor, Fiske, Etcoff and Ruderman (1978). Experiment 1 studies the generalization of these effects across ethnic group membership (black/white) and topic (categorization-relevant/irrelevant) in a 2 × 2 [× 4] between-subject design, with type of error as a repeated measure. There was a highly significant accentuation effect, which was not affected by either topic or group membership. Experiment 2, using white subjects only, manipulated anticipated future interaction/no interaction, which affected overall accuracy/error rate, but not the strong accentuation effect. Neither study found any support for an own-group bias. Results are discussed in terms of the automaticity of race as a basis for social categorization.