Ethnic diversity and cohesion in interdependent youth sport contexts

Team sports are a group environment in which individuals from various backgrounds often come together in pursuit of a common goal. Building on the findings of recent research that examined the effects of ethnic diversity in professional and intercollegiate sport contexts, we examined the association between ethnic diversity and youth athletes' perceptions of cohesion in interdependent sport teams (e.g., soccer), and tested ethnic identity as a moderator of this relationship. Multilevel analysis of data from 272 youth athletes nested within 24 teams revealed that ethnic diversity negatively predicted both task and social dimensions of cohesion, but ethnic identity did not emerge as a moderating variable. These findings are divergent from recent work that examined similar relationships in intercollegiate contexts. This highlights the complexity, and the importance, of examining the effects of ethnic diversity on team functioning-oriented variables at different levels of sport competition. Although replication studies are necessary to understand the reliability of the current findings, our study provides insight into the effects of ethnic diversity in youth sport and emphasizes pertinent developmental processes (e.g., identity formation) that scholars should take into consideration in future research.     

Sociolinguistic contexts of the preschool

Two studies were conducted to determined the effects of specific learning centers on preschoolers' functional uses of language. In Study 1, preschoolers in three separate same-age classrooms (2-, 3-, and 5-year-olds) were observed on a time sampling scheduling during their free play periods for four weeks. Preschoolers' individual utterances were coded as serving one or more than one function; functions were defined following Halliday. The housekeeping and block centers tended to elicit the most individual and multifunctional utterances. The fantasy play and social interaction among children in these centers were thought to be responsible for this mature use of language.In Study 2, same-age and same-sex dyads from two age groups (4- and 5-year-olds) were observed in experimental settings playing with blocks alone and with dramatic props alone. Both contexts elicited a predominance of imaginative language, though the dramatic context elicited more imaginative language than the blocks. With age, children generated more individual functions and multifunctional utterances.     

The categorization of sentential contexts

A new experimental method, involving the sorting of linguistic contexts, is shown to be effective in discriminating the contexts of polysemous words as well as the contexts of synonyms of those words. These results are interpreted as support for the claim that the method of sorting linguistic contexts is a valid technique for studying the contextual information available to support inferences about word meanings.The research reported in this article was part of the author's work submitted as a doctoral thesis to Princeton University. It was supported in part by Contract MDA 903-86-K-0242 between the Army Research Institute and Princeton University. The views and conclusions in this article are those of the author and should not be interpreted as representing official policies, either expressed or implied, of the Army Research Institute or Princeton University.     

Structured contexts and anaphoric dependencies

Sensitivity to the extra-linguistic context, as exhibited by indexical and demonstrative expressions, and sensitivity to the linguistic context, as exhibited by, for example, anaphoric uses of third person pronouns, are regularly regarded as different and independent phenomena. The data on indexicals, demonstratives, and third person pronouns, however, call for a more unified notion of context and of context sensitivity. This paper aims to develop such a unified picture by generalizing the notion of anaphora to encompass extra-linguistic context dependency and generalizing the notion of a structured discourse context so that contexts contain antecedents for expressions that refer to entities in the extra-linguistic context.     

Local contexts and local meanings

Stalnaker (1978) made two seminal claims about presuppositions. The most influential one was that presupposition projection is computed by a pragmatic mechanism based on a notion of ‘local context’. Due to conceptual and technical difficulties, however, the latter notion was reinterpreted in purely semantic terms within ‘dynamic semantics’ (Heim 1983). The second claim was that some instances of presupposition generation should also be explained in pragmatic terms. But despite various attempts, the definition of a precise ‘triggering algorithm’ has remained somewhat elusive. We discuss possible extensions of both claims. First, we offer a reconstruction of ‘local contexts’ which circumvents some of the difficulties faced by Stalnaker’s original analysis. We preserve the idea that local contexts are computed by a pragmatic mechanism that aggregates the information that follows from an incomplete sentence given the global context; but we crucially rely on a modified notion of entailment (‘R-entailment’), whose plausibility should be assessed on independent grounds. Second, we speculate that local contexts might prove necessary (though by no means sufficient) to understand how some presuppositions are triggered. In a nutshell, we suggest that a presupposition is triggered when the semantic contribution of an expression to its local context is in some sense ‘heterogeneous’. Without giving an analysis of the latter notion, we note that this architecture implies that presuppositions should be triggered on the basis of the meaning that an expression has relative to its local context (what we call its ‘local meaning’); we sketch some possible consequences of this analysis.     

Semantic contexts and face recognition

The present study investigated the effects of the new context reinstatement procedure on recognition memory for faces. All faces were portrayed in distinctive background contexts which were pretested to induce a negative emotion, a positive emotion or no emotion at all. These contexts were, at test, either the same (e.g. the same concentration camp), changed (e.g. concentration camp→road accident) or changed but of the same type (e.g. ‘semantic context’: two different concentration camps). Results provided evidence of considerable improvement of recognition performance with semantic context. Moreover, a context inducing a negative emotion was shown to impair face recognition, but semantic context was found to counteract such an impairment. The implications of these findings are discussed in terms of their relevance for theories of recognition memory and practical contributions to eyewitness identification. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Six-year-olds' difficulties handling intensional contexts

Previous research shows that children have difficulties handling intensional contexts even when they can pass a test of false belief (e.g. Cognition 67 (1998) 287; Cognition 25 (1987) 289). Some authors (Perner, J. (1991). Understanding the representational mind. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press; Cognition 25 (1987) 289) place these difficulties in the linguistic and not the mental representational domain. The experiments reported here examined whether 6-year-old children could answer questions in an intensional context that did not require the explicit verbal characterization of a belief. We replicated previous findings and found that children answered according to their own knowledge in an intensional context. This occurred even though they responded by choosing a picture to insert into a protagonist's thought bubble rather than report the belief verbally. Children could correctly answer questions about the knowledge state of the protagonist and pass a test of false belief. Further experiments ruled out methodological explanations. Experiment 2 showed that the difference in answering according to own knowledge between the false belief and intensional stories is not accounted for by procedural factors in the two types of test. Experiment 3 revealed that children did not answer according to their own knowledge by default. Experiment 4 suggested that answering according to own knowledge was not a result of pictorial salience. Results are discussed in relation to the simulation-theory debate.     

Visual recognition memory across contexts

In two experiments, we investigated the development of representational flexibility in visual recognition memory during infancy using the Visual Paired Comparison (VPC) task. In Experiment 1, 6- and 9-month-old infants exhibited recognition when familiarization and test occurred in the same room, but showed no evidence of recognition when familiarization and test occurred in different rooms. In contrast, 12- and 18-month-old infants exhibited recognition irrespective of testing room. Thus, flexibility across a change of room was observed at a younger age than flexibility across a change of background that has previously been seen with the VPC procedure (Robinson & Pascalis, 2004). To determine if limitations in representational flexibility across a change of background could be overcome by experiences during encoding, in Experiment 2, 6-, 9-, 12- and 18-month-old infants were familiarized with a picture on multiple backgrounds. At all ages, infants showed recognition across a change in background at test. These findings indicate that dissociating an item from its context during encoding may be an important factor in understanding the representational flexibility of visual recognition memory in infancy. Developmental changes in representational flexibility are likely driven by changes in the functional maturity of the hippocampal formation, and experience.     

Socially evaluative contexts facilitate mentalizing

Our ability to understand others’ minds stands at the foundation of human learning, communication, cooperation, and social life more broadly. Although humans’ ability to mentalize has been well-studied throughout the cognitive sciences, little attention has been paid to whether and how mentalizing differs across contexts. Classic developmental studies have examined mentalizing within minimally social contexts, in which a single agent seeks a neutral inanimate object. Such object-directed acts may be common, but they are typically consequential only to the object-seeking agent themselves. Here, we review a host of indirect evidence suggesting that contexts providing the opportunity to evaluate prospective social partners may facilitate mentalizing across development. Our article calls on cognitive scientists to study mentalizing in contexts where it counts.     

Some social contexts of self-destructive behavior

This study investigated the social context of self-injurious behavior in autistic, schizophrenic, and mentally retarded children residing in a state hospital. Social interactions between subjects and staff were recorded along with subjects' self-destructive behavior. The results showed a substantial increase in self-destructive behavior following the staff's presentation of demands, denials, and punishments in 19 of the 20 subjects. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that self-injurious behavior is a social behavior, which is determined by persons in the environment. In addition, the self-destructive behavior of one subject may have been largely self-stimulatory in nature.     

Rapid learning of rapid temporal contexts

In an information-rich visual world and with limited attentional resources, what visual cues allow humans to efficiently navigate their environment? One key environmental characteristic is that stimuli rarely appear in isolation and typically coincide with other specific items that provide cues regarding where and when to guide our attention. Indeed, a predictive spatial context of distractors can enhance the deployment of attention to a target location (Chun &; Jiang, 1998). However, can a predictive, temporal sequence of distractors, which do not enter working memory, cue when to allocate attention? Previous studies addressing this question have employed relatively long (?500 msec/item) stimulus exposure durations. Thus, this temporal cuing may require extensive processing of the distractors. Here, we show that a rapidly presented (～100 msec/item), predictive, temporal context, where stimuli undergo only preliminary analysis, can facilitate the deployment of attention to a specific temporal location.     

Memory for dangers past: threat contexts produce more consistent learning than do non-threatening contexts

In earlier work we showed that individuals learn the spatial regularities within contexts and use this knowledge to guide detection of threatening targets embedded in these contexts. While it is highly adaptive for humans to use contextual learning to detect threats, it is equally adaptive for individuals to flexibly readjust behaviour when contexts once associated with threatening stimuli begin to be associated with benign stimuli, and vice versa. Here, we presented face targets varying in salience (threatening or non-threatening) in new or old spatial configurations (contexts) and changed the target salience (threatening to non-threatening and vice versa) halfway through the experiment to examine if contextual learning changes with the change in target salience. Detection of threatening targets was faster in old than new configurations and this learning persisted even after the target changed to non-threatening. However, the same pattern was not seen when the targets changed from non-threatening to threatening. Overall, our findings show that threat detection is driven not only by stimulus properties as theorised traditionally but also by the learning of contexts in which threatening stimuli appear, highlighting the importance of top-down factors in threat detection. Further, learning of contexts associated with threatening targets is robust and speeds detection of non-threatening targets subsequently presented in the same context.