An evaluation of a computational model of lexical access: comment on Dell et al. (1997)

The computational model of lexical access proposed by G. S. Dell, M. F. Schwartz, N. Martin, E. M. Saffran, and D. A. Gagnon (1997) is evaluated. They argued that fits of their model to naming data obtained from normal and brain-damaged patients support assumptions regarding interactivity in the lexicon, global damage in aphasia, and continuity between normal and aphasic naming behavior. Additional analysis reveals that the model fits the empirical data poorly and that the claims Dell et al. made on the basis of the model's performance would not follow even if the model were accurate. Although use of a novel automatic regression procedure improved the model's fit, it cannot account for 5 of Dell et al.'s 21 patients (24%), and its limitations were found to be inherent in its design. It is argued that claims such as those made by Dell et al. can only be addressed by considering evidence from multiple related tasks and by comparing multiple computational models.     

Dissociation of semantic and phonological errors in naming

We report the naming performance of a fluent aphasic, DP, who shows a striking dissociation between semantic and phonological (nonword) errors: he produced numerous semantic errors but virtually no phonological errors. DP's pattern of performance is the reverse of that reported for patient DM (Caramazza, Papagno, & Ruml, 2000), who only made phonological errors in a naming task. These patterns of performance are inconsistent with the proposal by Dell, Schwartz, Martin, Saffran, and Gagnon (1997) that the naming deficit in fluent aphasia is the result of global damage to all levels of the lexical access system and support instead the hypothesis that brain damage can selectively disrupt distinct subcomponents of the lexical processing system.     

Semantic errors in a deep dyslexic

A case of a Swedish-speaking deep dyslexic is reported whose semantic paralexias appeared to result mainly from a lexical retrieval failure in oral reading. He was able to draw correct pictures of the written words for which he had simultaneously produced a semantically erroneous oral reading response. Repeated attempts to correct paralexic responses were common, indicating that the patient was often aware of the errors. His lexical retrieval problems and semantic errors extended to naming as well, and the results support Nolan and Caramazza's (1982, Brain and Language, 16, 237-264), dual-deficit model of deep dyslexia.     

Counseling as an Interpersonal Influence Process: A Perspective for Counseling Practice

J. D. Corrigan, D. M. Dell, K. N. Lewis, & L. D. Schmidt. Counseling as a social influence process: A review. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 1980, 27, 395–441 (Monograph).     

On measuring fuzziness: a comment on "A fuzzy set approach to modifiers and vagueness in natural language"

Hersh and Caramazza's application of fuzzy set theory to vagueness in natural language is criticized for including in their measures of fuzziness response variability due to experimental and statistical procedures.     

Semantic weight and verb retrieval in aphasia

Individuals with agrammatic aphasia may have difficulty with verb production in comparison to nouns. Additionally, they may have greater difficulty producing verbs that have fewer semantic components (i.e., are semantically "light") compared to verbs that have greater semantic weight. A connectionist verb-production model proposed by Gordon and Dell (2003) learns through error correction to "divide the labor" between syntax and semantics. Verbs that are semantically heavier come to depend less on syntax and more on semantics. For lighter verbs, the reverse is true. We performed this study to clarify the role of semantic weight in aphasic verb production and to test the prediction from Gordon and Dell that a brain lesion that impairs the syntactic input to verb retrieval will impair lighter verbs more than heavier ones. Consistent with this prediction, we found that the decrement for lighter verbs was present in a group with agrammatic aphasia but not in a matched group without agrammatism.     

Cumulative and non-cumulative semantic interference in object naming: Evidence from blocked and continuous manipulations of semantic context

Experiments involving blocked and continuous manipulations of the semantic naming context demonstrate that, when speakers name several taxonomically related objects in close succession, they display persistent interference effects. A review of studies using the blocked paradigm shows that, unlike the continuous paradigm, it typically does not induce cumulative interference effects in healthy speakers. This contrasts with the simulation results obtained from a model of semantic context effects recently put forward by Oppenheim and colleagues [Oppenheim, G. M., Dell, G. S., & Schwartz, M. F. (2010). The dark side of incremental learning: A model of cumulative semantic interference during lexical access in speech production. Cognition, 114, 227--262], which generates cumulative effects in both paradigms. We propose that the effects are non-cumulative in the blocked paradigm, because it allows participants to bias top-down the levels of activation of lexical-semantic representations, thereby curtailing the accumulating interference. Indeed, prior research has shown that the interference effects in the blocked paradigm are exacerbated when participants carry out a concurrent digit-retention task, loading on working memory and reducing their capacity to exert a top-down bias. In Experiment 1, combining the continuous paradigm with a digit-retention task, we demonstrate that this does not exacerbate cumulative context effects, corroborating the selective role of working memory and the associated top-down biasing mechanism in the blocked paradigm. A review of neuropsychological and neuroimaging studies demonstrates that left inferior frontal regions may play a critical role in controlling semantic interference top-down. We discuss the implications of these findings for language production research and for models of lexical-semantic encoding.     

Self‐Priming in Production: Evidence for a Hybrid Model of Syntactic Priming

Syntactic priming in language production is the increased likelihood of using a recently encountered syntactic structure. In this paper, we examine two theories of why speakers can be primed: error‐driven learning accounts (Bock, Dell, Chang, & Onishi, 2007; Chang, Dell, & Bock, 2006) and activation‐based accounts (Pickering & Branigan, 1999; Reitter, Keller, & Moore, 2011). Both theories predict that speakers should be primed by the syntactic choices of others, but only activation‐based accounts predict that speakers should be able to prime themselves. Here we test whether speakers can be primed by their own productions in three behavioral experiments and find evidence of structural persistence following both comprehension and speakers’ own productions. We also find that comprehension‐based priming effects are larger for rarer syntactic structures than for more common ones, which is most consistent with error‐driven accounts. Because neither error‐driven accounts nor activation‐based accounts fully explain the data, we propose a hybrid model.     

Deciding about decision models of remember and know judgments: a reply to Murdock (2006)

B. B. Murdock (2006) has interpreted remember-know data within a decision space defined by item and associative information, the fundamental variables in his general recognition memory model TODAM (B. B. Murdock, 1982). He has related parameters of this extended model to stimulus characteristics for several classic remember-know data sets. The authors show that this accomplishment is shared by both one- and two-dimensional signal-detection-based remember-know models (J. C. Dunn, 2004; C. M. Rotello, N. A. Macmillan, & J. A. Reeder, 2004; J. T. Wixted & V. Stretch, 2004), which can be represented in this same decision space and can be related to stimulus characteristics with similar success. Murdock claims that his model, unlike its competitors, is a process model; however, the process aspects of TODAM are not used in his application, and the decision aspects are identical to a previously proposed model. Murdock's claim that one competing model (STREAK; C. M. Rotello et al., 2004) is not fully specified is shown to be false. The new model is not superior to existing ones, but comparisons among the models to date are not definitive. The authors describe several strategies that might be applied to distinguish among them.     

Assessing the importance of letter pairs in reading-parafoveal processing is not the only view: reply to Inhoff, Radach, Eiter, and Skelly (2003)

D. Briihl and A. W. Inhoff (1995; see record 1995-20036-001) found that exterior letter pairs showed no privileged status in reading when letter pairs were presented as parafoveal primes. However, T. R. Jordan, S. M. Thomas, G. R. Patching, and K. C. Scott-Brown (2003; see record 2003-07955-013) used a paradigm that (a) allowed letter pairs to exert influence at any point in the reading process, (b) overcame problems with the stimulus manipulations used by Briihl and Inhoff (1995), and (c) revealed a privileged status for exterior letter pairs in reading. A. W. Inhoff, R. Radach, B. M. Eiter, and M. Skelly (2003; see record 2003-07955-014) made a number of claims about the Jordan, Thomas, et al. study, most of which focus on parafoveal processing. This article addresses these claims and points out that although studies that use parafoveal previews provide an important contribution, other techniques and paradigms are required to reveal the full role of letter pairs in reading.     

Action naming in anomic aphasic speakers: effects of instrumentality and name relation

Many studies reveal effects of verb type on verb retrieval, mainly in agrammatic aphasic speakers. In the current study, two factors that might play a role in action naming in anomic aphasic speakers were considered: the conceptual factor instrumentality and the lexical factor name relation to a noun. Instrumental verbs were shown to be better preserved than non-instrumental verbs in a group of anomic aphasic speakers but not in a group of Broca's aphasic speakers. Name relation to a noun improved the performance of the anomic aphasic speakers as well. Again, no effect was found in the group of Broca's aphasic speakers. Verbs with a name relation to a noun were better retrieved in action naming than verbs without a name relation. These findings are discussed in terms of the spreading activation theory of Dell. (Dell, G. S. (1986). A spreading activation theory of retrieval in sentence production. Psychological Review 93, 283-321.).     

图-图干扰范式中语义效应的眼动研究*

采用眼动方法,在图-图干扰范式中探讨了干扰图的频率和语义类型对语义判断的影响。结果发现:(1)语义一致性的主效应显著,与目标图语义一致的干扰图获得的注视时间长于与目标图语义不一致的干扰图,证实了语义干扰效应的存在,与Dell的交互激活模型相吻合。(2)干扰图命名的词汇频率主效应不显著,未发现显著的频率效应,对词汇选择竞争假设提出质疑。     

The accuracy of abstracts in psychology journals

This article provides an empirically supported reminder of the importance of accuracy in scientific communication. The authors identify common types of inaccuracies in research abstracts and offer suggestions to improve abstract-article agreement. Abstracts accompanying 13% of a random sample of 400 research articles published in 8 American Psychological Association journals during 1997 and 1998 contained data or claims inconsistent with or missing from the body of the article. Error rates ranged from 8% to 18%, although between-journal differences were not significant. Many errors (63%) were unlikely to cause substantive misinterpretations. Unfortunately, 37% of errors found could be seriously misleading with respect to the data or claims presented in the associated article. Although deficient abstracts may be less common in psychology journals than in major medical journals (R. M. Pitkin, M. A. Branagan, & L. F. Burmeister, 1999), there is still cause for concern and need for improvement.     

Learning artificial phonotactic constraints: time course, durability, and relationship to natural constraints

G. S. Dell, K. D. Reed, D. R. Adams, and A. S. Meyer (2000) proposed a "breadth-of-constraint" continuum on phoneme errors, using artificial experiment-wide constraints to investigate a putative middle ground between local and language-wide constraints. The authors report 5 experiments that test the idea of the continuum and the location of the experiment-wide constraints within it. Experiments 1 and 2 replicated the findings of Dell et al. on the experiment-wide constraints but showed only chance adherence to the local positional constraints. Experiment 3 showed that the latter constraints are uniquely affected by the form of practice used. Experiments 4 and 5 investigated the time course and robustness of the experimental constraints by reversing them during testing. This caused no difficulty when occurring between blocks (Experiment 4) but caused short-lived disruption when occurring within block (Experiment 5). The authors propose that the results do not support the idea of a continuum, but that the experiment-wide constraints reflect a local biasing of language-wide constraints, probably related to the need for rapid learning.     

Social exclusion and the hierarchical defense system: comment on MacDonald and Leary (2005)

G. MacDonald and M. R. Leary hypothesized that physical pain and social exclusion share many affective features in common. In this comment, the author discusses the implications of J. A. Gray and N. McNaughton's (2000) hierarchical defense system model, which MacDonald and Leary used in the development of their theoretical claims. Issues are discussed that require, at least, clarification; but more substantive problems need closer consideration of hierarchically organized defense. It is argued that research findings may be better understood (a) by systems of interacting neural modules, which lead to state dissociations between affective states, and (b) by general modulatory influences on the entire defense system that lead to trait associations (i.e., personality) between physical pain and emotional distress.     

Testing predictions of the interactive activation model in recovery from aphasia after treatment

This paper presents preliminary results of pre- and post-treatment error analysis from an aphasic patient with anomia. The Interactive Activation (IA) model of word production (Dell, Schwartz, Martin, Saffran, & Gagnon, 1997) is utilized to make predictions about the anticipated changes on a picture naming task and to explain emerging patterns. Error patterns are viewed in light of two putative mechanisms within the IA network, connection strength, and rate of decay. The results suggest that while these mechanisms can successfully account for the magnitude and order of specific errors (e.g., predominance of semantic paraphasias and nonwords followed by formal paraphasias under the conditions of weak connections), the treatment may have influenced the occurrence/absence of some error types.     

On the autonomy of phonological encoding: Evidence from slips of the tongue in Spanish

The present study focuses on the relationship between the processes of lexical retrieval and phonological encoding in sentence production. An analysis of spontaneous slips of the tongue in Spanish reveals that (1) there is as yet no clear evidence for a lexical bias effect on sublexical errors (segment movement and substitution), and hence for positive feedback from phonological encoding to the level of lexical representation; and (2) meaning and form appear to be largely dissociated in lexical errors, which lends support to the hypothesis that lexical retrieval proceeds in two independent stages during sentence production. These findings are discussed in the light of two alternative accounts of language production mechanisms: the interactive activation model and the structural, processing-stages model.This research has been supported by grant no. PB87-0531 from the Dirección General de Investigación Científica y Técnica, Spanish Ministry of Education. We thank Kathryn Bock, Gary Dell, and David Swinney for helpful comments and discussion.     

Identity and similarity in repetition blindness: no cross-over interaction

The difficulty in reporting both occurrences of a repeated item is a phenomenon referred to as repetition blindness (RB). RB has been proposed to result from temporal limitations in creating separate episodic tokens for a twice-activated type. Recently, Chialant and Caramazza (Cognition 63 (1997) 79-119) disputed the conventional view that RB for non-identical words (orthographic RB, as in lice and lick) results from the same mechanism as identity RB, and proposed that orthographic RB arises from competition for lexical selection. Supporting evidence was that identical and merely similar words showed different amounts of RB as a function of stimulus onset asynchrony (lag). Four experiments failed to replicate Chialant and Caramazza's finding that identity RB decreases, but orthographic RB increases, as a function of lag. Instead, RB for all stimuli, including homonym pairs, declined monotonically with lag. These results are consistent with a common mechanism underlying RB for identical and orthographically similar words and with prior research suggesting that RB in similar words occurs at a sublexical level.