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Danna Bodenheimer 《Psychoanalytic Social Work》2013,20(1):17-29
The life and theory of Sandor Ferenczi provide insight into both the historic admonition and the dangers of loving feelings in the therapeutic relationship. Ferenczi believed in the creation of mutuality in all analytic dyads. His refusal to subscribe to a hierarchical structuring of the treatment relationship led to his subsequent marginalization from the traditional psychoanalytic canon for nearly a century. On close inspection, however, he was a formative figure who laid much of the groundwork for current thinking about the intersubjective and relational approaches to treatment. Much of his life and theory can be understood through the lens of his relationship with Sigmund Freud. That relationship is closely scrutinized in the following historical examination. 相似文献
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The American Journal of Psychoanalysis - This paper, in its first part, offers historical and clinical research that aims to establish, in a new frame, forms of organizing psychoanalytic theories... 相似文献
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Ferenc Erös 《International Forum of Psychoanalysis》2013,22(1-2):121-128
I examine how Sándor Ferenczi has survived in the cultural memory of psychoanalysis, and why myths and legends have been created around his life and work. It seems that he could not escape the fate of the founding fathers of psychoanalysis, most notably, that of Freud and Jung: their life and work have become an object of cultic respect for the followers, diabolic figures for the enemies. Quasi-religious cultivation of the “great man” is an often observable phenomenon in literature, politics, history and in science, and it has several political and ideological functions. These functions may help to increase the inner cohesion and the group identity of the cultic community, to defend the group against external threats. Psychoanalysis has always been vulnerable to myth formation; first, for obvious sociological reasons, and, secondly, for reasons originating in the nature of therapy. The cultic functions can be realized in several ways, such as, for example, the ritualization of the transmission of knowledge, and the “biography as passion” that is, attempts to create a biographical narrative in which all life history moments crystallize around the great man's central theme. Most of the biographies on the life of great psychoanalysts are of this kind – and Ferenczi is no exception. A historiography of psychoanalysis must follow the path of modern historiography in general, which attempts at deconstructing both myths and counter-myths about persons, events and processes, in political, as well as in cultural and intellectual history. By examining the structure of myth formation about psychoanalysts we can learn a lot about how ideas are operating in changing social contexts. 相似文献
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Negotiation is not only used to settle differences of interest but also to settle differences of opinion. Discussants who are unable to resolve their difference about the objective worth of a policy or action proposal may be willing to abandon their attempts to convince the other and search instead for a compromise that would, for each of them, though only a second choice yet be preferable to a lasting conflict. Our questions are: First, when is it sensible to enter into negotiations and when would this be unwarranted or even fallacious? Second, what is the nature of a compromise? What does it mean to settle instead of resolve a difference of opinion, and what might be the dialectical consequences of mistaking a compromise for a substantial resolution? Our main aim is to contribute to the theory of argumentation within the context of negotiation and compromise formation and to show how arguing disputants can shift to negotiation in a dialectically virtuous way. 相似文献
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KARYN L. FREEDMAN 《希帕蒂亚:女权主义哲学杂志》2006,21(2):104-125
This essay explores the epistemological significance of the kinds of beliefs that grow out of traumatic experiences, such as the rape survivor's belief that she is never safe. On current theories of justification, beliefs like this one are generally dismissed due to either insufficient evidence or insufficient prepositional content. Here, Freedman distinguishes two discrete sides of the aftermath of psychic trauma, the shattered self and the shattered worldview. This move enables us to see these beliefs as beliefs; in other words, as having cognitive content. Freedman argues that what we then need is a theory of justification that allows us to handpick reliable sources of information on sexual violence, and give credibility where deemed appropriate. She advances a mix of reliabilism and coherentism that privileges feminism. On this account, the evidence for the class of beliefs in question will depend on an act of sexual violence (or testimony, or statistics) to the extent that the act is a reliable indication of the prevalence of sexual violence against women. 相似文献
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Wilson N 《American journal of psychoanalysis》2000,60(2):177-186
The American Journal of Psychoanalysis - 相似文献
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Sascha Altman DuBrul 《The Journal of medical humanities》2014,35(3):257-271
Over the past 12 years, I’ve had the good fortune of collaborating with others to create a project which challenges and complicates the dominant biopsychiatric model of mental illness. The Icarus Project, founded in 2002, not only critiqued the terms and practices central to the biopsychiatric model, it also inspired a new language and a new community for people struggling with mental health issues in the 21st century. The Icarus Project believes that humans are meaning makers, that meaning is created through developing intrapersonal and interpersonal narratives, and that these narratives are important sites of creativity, struggle, and growth. The Icarus counter narrative and the community it fostered has been invaluable for people around the world dealing with psychic diversity—particularly for people alienated by mainstream approaches. But, despite the numbers of people who have been inspired by this approach, the historical background of the Icarus Project is hard to find. It exists primarily in oral history, newspaper articles, unpublished or self-published Icarus documents, and in internet discussion forums. As the co-founder of the Icarus Project, I use this article to make my understanding of that history and its key documents more widely available. 相似文献
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Considering our experiences in everyday life, the result of research based on sample assumed to be derived from a “population”
cannot afford individual predictions. That is because the variabilities within individuals which play an important role in actual psychological processes are erased from the data in samples-based studies.
In this article, we begin the discussion with how the intra-individual variance contributes to individual prediction. As case
study works on the basis of variability within each individual, it explores the intrinsic mechanism of development and emphasize
the connection between person and environment. The question of how to generalize from case studies requires that the researcher
to selectively consider some of the variance and construction of a hypothetical model that shows how different features of
oppositions (Yin and Yang) are integrated into an abstract whole that is applicable to all individual cases.
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Xiaowen LiEmail: |
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Richard J. Mcnally 《Behaviour research and therapy》1996,34(11-12)
In his discussion of McNally's article in Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology (64, 88–91, 1996), Klein (1996a, Behaviour, Research and Therapy, 34, 849–853) clarifies and further defends his argument that cognitive-behavior therapy (CBT) researchers must incorporate drug and pill placebo conditions in their trial designs and must demonstrate a significant drug effect before they are entitled to make inferences about CBT's antipanic effects. The purpose of this reply is to provide a critique and rebuttal of Klein's arguments. 相似文献