“神功“揭秘第二部分轻气功不是特异功能

轻气功,是通过“气功大师“的发功运气,使自己的体重变轻的功夫.其实这是不可能办到的事情,如果哪位气功大师能站在磅秤上,通过发功运气使自己的体重减轻十斤,说明地球吸引力失灵,我团便可以奖励他十万元.……     

"气功大师"与老巫婆的悲剧

一、走火入魔的刘大师 这天,我们小镇上的市场大门口围了很多看热闹的人.只听那位须发花白的长者大呼道:"喂,都来看呀,我一掌就能把市场的大门楼子推倒--"说着,他瞪眼跺脚运气发功……     

“神功“揭秘变味之谜(第三部分)

〔表演过程〕助手将一瓶人们常喝的北京二锅头和两个透明玻璃杯放在桌上。主持人请上台来一位会喝酒的观众,让他把酒开封,往两个玻璃杯中各倒半杯,并请他尝一尝是不是正宗的北京二锅头?观众饮了一小口,巴达巴达嘴点头称“是”。主持人将酒杯放在桌子的左右     

一张桌子成就的“动画帝国”

正在皮克斯公司的会议室里,有一张格外显眼的桌子,它由乔布斯所欣赏的一位名师设计制作,外形又细又长,精美绝伦。可有一天,总导演卡特穆尔不顾乔布斯的面子,公然将这张用了13年的桌子扔了。桌子被扔之前,皮克斯每次召开会议,一般都是由秘书精心     

论“所以”

存“对旧著《逻辑》一书的自我批判”一文中我曾经提到形式逻辑有没有阶级性是应该具体地研究的问题;当时我认为“所以”有时是有阶级性的。整个的形式逻辑问题,本文不提出,这问题太大了。我现在认为“所以”基本上是有阶级性的。本文就是对于这个看法作一个说明。文中所用的名词有的要事先规定一下。命题指的是用陈述句子表达的有所肯定或否定的,但是还没有断定的思想。这就是说,它可以只是思考着的思想,不过有一个限制,我们要求它是在具体的思维认识过程中出现的,而不是逻辑工作者在强调形式正确性时所制造出来的。判断是一个断定了的命题。例如我们断定了下面这个命题:“如果一张桌子是四方的,那么,它的四边相等。”在断定了它的条件下,它不只是一个命题,而且是一个判断;但是这个判断里面的“如果”和“那么”之后的都只是命题。本文所论的是     

道德运气与健全行动者

关于道德运气问题存在着两种截然相反的观点,一种观点认为道德运气是虚幻的和悖论性的,另一种观点认为道德运气是真实存在且非悖论性的.本文认为第一种观点基于一种难以防守的“运气分离学说”,它要么导致一种不健全的行动者概念,要么导致行动者概念的瓦解.第二种观点的优势在于它能够提供一种健全的行动者概念,本文给出了这一概念的标准形式,同时表明它将得出一种更符合常识立场的道德哲学.     

赵本山：拼出来的“小品王”

兔年春晚直播到23：25分的时候,主持人朱军、董卿问观众现在最期待谁的表演,台下立刻呼声四起：“赵本山!”朱军说：“赵本山啊,我还真没看见,我倒是看见王小利和小沈阳了。”不知道朱军的话是不是一语双关,事实上,离小品《同桌的你》演出时间还有半个小时的时候,赵本山真的不见了。     

容人乃大

有一个人,在长沙岳麓书院读书的时候,屡遭同学欺负。当时,他的书桌,面窗而置,且紧挨着窗户,而他同学的书桌,放置在离窗户稍远的地方。于是,这个同学便不干了,愤怒地对他说,我案头的光,都是从这孔窗户射进来的,你挡在这里,不就挡了我的光了吗?你说,这不是无理取闹吗?可是,这个人却不愠不怒,问,哪,我的桌子该放哪里?放在那边去!同学一指床头的位置。他居然二话没说,就真的把桌子搬到了床边。     

自嘲显智慧

正夸饰自嘲,营造气氛央视二套《是真的吗》节目中,一次谈及车贴,主持人黄西一本正经地说:"美国也有车贴,不过大多是别人来贴。我刚到美国买了一辆二手车,不久车后就贴满了撕不下来的字条,其中有一张字数比较多,我只认得‘你’和‘英语’两个单词。"说到这,他伸手比划出一个"二",好久才说:"直到两年后,我才明白字条上写的是‘如果你不懂英语,就滚回家去’。"闻此,观众都乐不可支。     

神功揭秘--"意念"之神

一、意念辨色、认字 〔表演过程〕主持人:下一个请大家欣赏的节目叫“意念辨色、认字”。我们这里有一块黑板、一盒彩色粉笔,我们请上台来五位观众,在黑板上写字,您用什么颜色的粉笔写字,就写什么颜色。如果您用的是红粉笔,就写个“红”字,用黄粉笔就写个“黄”字。字写得越大越好,直径最小不少于10公分。我们的“气功大师”在三米以外背对黑板,通过意念会把您写的字和它的颜色同时认出来。欢迎胡“大师”上场！ 胡“大师”满脸微笑,迈着矫健的步伐走上台来。他先走到黑板前,用步量出了距离后站定,助手     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.