Interpersonal Moderators of the Effects of Upward Comparisons on Ability Judgments

In everyday life, the meaning—and thus the consequences—of social comparisons are shaped by the interpersonal relationship with the comparison target. In two studies, undergraduates described 1,863 naturally occurring upward social comparisons. Participants ascribed higher ability levels to themselves when they had an ongoing competition or close (but not extremely close) relationship with the upward comparison target. Participants ascribed lower ability levels to distant and disliked targets (especially when their standing relative to a disliked target was personally important). Thus, perceived differences between the abilities of the self and the target were minimized when the target was disliked, moderately close, or a rival. These findings extend and qualify findings from laboratory studies of how upward comparisons affect ability judgments.     

The rational side of egocentrism in social comparisons

Prior work has found that when people compare themselves with others they egocentrically focus on their own strengths and achievements more than on the (equally relevant) strengths and achievements of the comparison group. As a consequence, people tend to overestimate their comparative standing when absolute standing is high and underestimate their comparative standing when absolute standing is low. The present research investigated a rational discounting explanation of this bias—namely, that people weight the target of the comparison (the self) more than the referent of the comparison (others) because they typically have more knowledge about the former than the latter. In three studies, we found that the tendency to focus on the target in social comparisons—and the over and underestimation of relative standing that tendency engenders—was reduced (but not eliminated) as people’s knowledge about the comparison group increased. These results suggest that there may be a rational side to egocentrism in social comparisons.     

Comparisons and perceived deprivation in ethnic minority settings

Two studies investigated comparison choices among ethnic minorities and majorities. The perceived status of the self vis-á-vis different comparison targets also was assessed. Antecedents and consequences of comparisons and relative deprivation were examined. Predictions were derived from social comparison, stigma, social identity, and relative deprivation research. Two surveys were conducted, one in London with mainly Asian participants (N = 235) and one in Germany with Turkish and Aussiedler participants (N = 166) and German majority members (N = 351). Participants preferred intragroup and temporal comparisons (with other ingroup members and with the self in the past) to various types of cross-group comparisons (with outgroup members). Perceived similarity and contact with a target positively predicted interest in comparing with this target, and perceived higher status of the target was a negative predictor. Some evidence was found that feelings of deprivation depend on comparison choices. Deprivation negatively predicted self-esteem and life satisfaction. Deprivation and group identification were negatively correlated.     

Having less,giving less: The effects of unfavorable social comparisons of affluence on people’s willingness to act for the benefit of others

Previous research has found a negative relationship between individual differences in personal relative deprivation (PRD; i.e., resentment stemming from the belief that one is worse off than similar others) and prosociality. Whether PRD causes reductions in people's willingness to act for the benefit of others, however, is yet to be established. Across six studies, we experimentally examined whether experiences of PRD via unfavorable (vs. favorable or lateral) social comparisons of affluence reduced prosociality toward known others and strangers. We found that making hypothetical (Study 1) or real (Study 2) unfavorable social comparisons of affluence in workplace contexts reduced participants’ organizational citizenship behavioral intentions. Furthermore, adverse social comparisons of affluence reduced generosity toward the targets of those comparisons during a Dictator Game (Studies 3 to 6). Across studies, we also measured participants’ subjective and objective socioeconomic status and found, contrary to previous theory and research, no consistent relationship between status and prosociality and no modulation of this relationship by either local or macro-level inequality. These results suggest that local, specific interpersonal comparisons of affluence play a more dominant role in people's willingness to act for the benefit of a comparison target than do their subjective or objective class rank or the prevailing income inequality of the state in which they reside.     

Status and solidarity in social comparison: agentic and communal values and vertical and horizontal directions

Social comparison involves positioning the self relative to others on a vertical or status dimension (ranging from upward to downward comparisons) and a horizontal or solidarity dimension (ranging from contrastive to connective comparisons). Across 3 studies in which 389 undergraduates recorded everyday social comparisons (n = 4,417), downward and connective comparisons were rated as more helpful and mood enhancing than upward and contrastive comparisons. The effects of horizontal comparisons were greater for people for whom solidarity was an important value; however, the effects of vertical comparisons were not greater for people who valued status. The roles of the comparison target, topic, and situation were also explored; for example, noticing undesirable features of the target enhanced status but undermined solidarity.     

Dimensional comparisons: Much is known about the effects,less about the processes

Dimensional comparisons are comparisons between different domains. They are well known in educational psychology. Here, they explain the seemingly paradoxical finding that students' math and verbal self-concepts of ability usually show correlations close to zero, although students' math and verbal achievements show strong positive correlations. This finding can be explained by the fact that students overemphasize potential differences between their math and verbal achievements when they form their self-concepts. However, dimensional comparisons also take place and affect self-evaluations outside the educational context, and the number of studies examining dimensional comparisons in different contexts has significantly increased during the last few years. This paper provides an up-to-date overview of findings on dimensional comparisons. It presents findings from studies that have examined effects of dimensional comparisons (as most studies dealing with dimensional comparisons have done so far), as well as studies that have focused on an understanding of the psychological processes involved in dimensional comparison (which relatively few studies have done so far). It is hoped that this paper will help broaden awareness of dimensional comparisons and stimulate further research on this type of comparison, especially in disciplines other than educational psychology.     

The effects of health frame and target relevance in appearance social comparisons

Social comparison powerfully influences on appearance self‐evaluations, but previous research has not examined the combined impact of target frame and relevance on appearance comparison outcomes. The present study examined the effect of target relevance and health frame in body‐ideal images on self‐evaluations in a mixed‐gender university‐based sample from the United States (N = 176; 58% female). Participants were randomly assigned to one of four conditions in which they viewed a body‐ideal image of a same‐sex target that varied in target relevance (peer or model) and health frame (extreme behaviors described as being healthy or unhealthy). We did not find evidence that comparisons with models or peers are different in their effects. And, consistent with hypotheses, the health frame of a comparison target’s eating and exercise behaviors influenced how participants perceived themselves and their health. Participants were more likely to take health advice from the target described as healthy, and felt better about their own health when comparing to healthy targets. We also found gender differences such that men were more satisfied with their physical health but women were more satisfied with their appearance. Overall, this research supports the importance of addressing peer comparisons and health literacy in body image interventions, which has long‐term implications for the prevention of eating and exercise pathology.     

Group membership and everyday social comparison experiences

In two everyday experience studies, we examined the degree to which everyday social comparisons are framed by group membership. In the first study, 30 undergraduates attending a public university in the United States completed short questionnaires about their social comparison experiences whenever they were signalled. In the second study, 34 ethnic minority undergraduates from the same university completed similar questionnaires about their social comparison experiences. Across both studies, comparisons in which participants viewed themselves as an ingroup member in comparison to an outgroup comprised less than 10% of the comparison experiences reported by participants. However, minorities in the second study who reported closer identification with their ethnic group reported more comparison experiences in which they mentioned their own or the comparison target's ethnicity.     

Engaging in upward and downward comparisons as a determinant of relative deprivation at work: A longitudinal study

A longitudinal study was conducted among 93 nurses to determine the role of comparing one’s performance with that of one’s colleagues in the increase versus decrease of perceived relative deprivation at work over a period of one year. Relative deprivation at T2 had increased particularly among those high in social comparison orientation (Gibbons & Buunk, 1999) who at T1 (1) more frequently engaged in upward comparisons; (2) more frequently derived positive as well as negative feelings from such comparisons; and (3) more frequently derived negative feelings from downward comparison. Moreover, engaging in downward comparison also led to an increase in perceived relative deprivation at T2. This study is one of the few to find evidence for longitudinal effects of social comparison activity, and the first to find that such effects occur only for those high in social comparison orientation.     

The impact of motivation on temporal comparisons: coping with traumatic events by perceiving personal growth

Four studies were conducted to investigate the impact of self-enhancement motivation on the temporal comparisons of victims of stressful life events. Study 1 revealed that (a) victims were more likely than acquaintances of victims to report greater improvement in their personal attributes after traumatic life events than after mild negative life events and (b) victims perceived improvement by derogating their pre-event attributes. In Studies 2 and 3, an experimental approach was used to study the impact of threatening experiences on perceptions of personal growth, and similar findings were obtained. Study 4 confirmed that threatening self-relevant feelings play a causal role in prompting self-enhancing temporal comparisons. Taken together, the findings of these studies support the view that perceptions of personal improvement reflect, at least in part, motivated illusions that are designed to help people cope with threatening life experiences.     

The affective consequences of social comparison: either direction has its ups and downs

Research on social comparison processes has assumed that a comparison in a given direction (upward or downward) will lead to a particular affective reaction. In contrast, the present two studies proposed and found that a comparison can produce either positive or negative feelings about oneself, independent of its direction. Several factors moderated the tendency to derive positive or negative affect from upward and downward comparisons. In Study 1, cancer patients low in self-esteem and with low perceived control over their symptoms and illness were more likely to see downward comparisons as having negative implications for themselves. Those low in self-esteem were also more likely to perceive upward comparisons as negative. In Study 2, individuals with high marital dissatisfaction and those who felt uncertain about their marital relationship were more likely to experience negative affect from upward and downward comparisons. The implications of these findings for social comparison theory and for the coping and adaptation literature are discussed.     

The Paranoia of Everyday Life: Some Personal,Psychological, and Pastoral Thoughts

Freud, early in his writings, makes the argument that paranoia results from the repression of distressing memories, paralleling hysteria and obsessional neurosis. The difference, however, is that paranoia makes use of a special psychic mechanism—projection—whereas hysteria makes use of conversion into somatic innervations and obsessional neurosis makes use of substitution or displacement. Drawing on recent research in paranoia, which suggests that feelings of paranoia are quite common among non-clinical populations, perhaps even as common as feelings of anxiety and depression in non-clinical populations, I suggest that paranoia “in everyday life”—that is, paranoia among non-clinical or so-called “normal” populations—results from the suppression (rather than the repression) of distressing thoughts (rather than memories). The mechanism of projection is still at work, but because paranoia in everyday life results from suppression rather than repression, it is much less severe but also much more common. I have followed the logic of Freud’s writings and I have used the method of introspection to come to this conclusion. I argue that pastors and other such persons would do well in knowing something about paranoia so that (1) they can deal more compassionately with those struggling with paranoia and so that (2) they can deal more compassionately with themselves, since it is likely, I believe, that many pastors often struggle with feelings of paranoia. I note several strategies for coping with paranoia as I deal with religious and psychological aspects of paranoia.     

大鱼小池效应研究回顾及展望

大鱼小池效应(Big Fish Little Pond Effect)是解释不同教育情境中学生自我概念水平的一个特定概念,Marsh将其定义为：能力同等的学生,在平均成绩较高的学校或班级里的学业自我概念较低,而在平均成绩较低的学校或班级则学业自我概念会较高。大鱼小池效应包括学生采用概括他人和特定他人的比较标准所分别产生的同化效应和对比效应,社会比较对学业自我概念形成具有特定影响。大鱼小池效应的未来研究可以从研究方法的改进、调节变量的控制和跨文化比较等方面拓展。     

Internal standards revisited: Effects of social comparisons and expectancies on judgments of fairness and satisfaction

Two studies examined the effect of two comparison processes on perceptions of fairness and satisfaction. Rewards relative to others (social comparison) and relative to expectancies (expectancy comparison) were orthogonally varied while absolute level of reward was held constant. Both studies showed, contrary to previous theory, that only social comparisons are related to perceived fairness, yet both comparisons are significantly related to satisfaction in an additive manner. Social comparisons explained more variation in satisfaction and dominated responses to more specific measures of affect. Partial support for specific predictions derived from equity theory and expectancy theory are reported. The overall results are interpreted as demonstrating the importance of the salience of frames of reference in reward evaluation.Estabilished practices create expectations, and since men have traditionally received greater rewards than women for the same services, they expect disproportionate rewards and tend to be disappointed if they do not get them. But these expectations have nothing to do with investments, and neither are they rooted in a conception of justice. (Blau, 1964, p. 195)     

Routine and feelings of safety, confidence, and well-being

An examination of the influence of routine behaviour on people's feelings of safety, confidence, and well-being shows, as hypothesized, that these positive emotions increase with routine behaviour. Five studies were conducted on flights, in different neighbourhoods of the city, in the laboratory performing a routine or a non-routine task, and in seating behaviour in university classrooms. In all studies, participants reported more feelings of safety, confidence, and well-being in routine situations. Thus, routine enhances feelings of safety, confidence, and well-being in many aspects of everyday life.     

The man who wasn't there: Subliminal social comparison standards influence self-evaluation

Life provides an endless stream of social comparison information. Because opportunities to compare with others are so abundant, social comparison theory traditionally assumes that people are selective in their comparison activities and primarily compare with deliberately selected standards. Recent research, however, demonstrates that social comparisons often occur spontaneously, even if no standard is explicitly provided or deliberately selected. We examined whether comparisons are so spontaneous that they are even engaged if people are fleetingly exposed to a potential standard—so fleetingly that they remain unaware of the standard. In three studies, participants were subliminally primed with moderate versus extreme, high versus low standards during self-evaluation. Results demonstrate that self-evaluations are influenced by subliminally presented standards. Specifically, self-evaluations are assimilated towards moderate standards and contrasted away from extreme standards. These self-evaluative consequences of subliminal standards, however, were only obtained if participants engaged in self-reflection during standard exposure. These findings emphasize that social comparisons are truly ubiquitous processes that are engaged even for fleeting exposure to standard information.     

No pain, no gain: the conditions under which upward comparisons lead to better performance

In 3 studies, the authors explored the relation between threatening upward social comparisons and performance. In an initial study, participants were exposed to comparison targets who either threatened or boosted self-evaluations and then completed a performance task. Participants exposed to the threatening target performed better than those in a control group, whereas those exposed to the nonthreatening target performed worse. In Study 2, self-affirmation prior to comparison with threatening targets eliminated performance improvements. In Study 3, performance improvements were found only when the performance domain was different from the domain of success of the comparison target. These boundary conditions suggest that increases in performance following social comparison arise from individuals' motivations to maintain and repair self-evaluations. Implications for the study of the behavioral consequences of social comparison are discussed.     

Immediacy bias in social-emotional comparisons

In seven studies of naturally occurring, "real-world" emotional events, people demonstrated an immediacy bias in social-emotional comparisons, perceiving their own current or recent emotional reactions as more intense compared with others' emotional reactions to the same events. The events examined include crossing a scary bridge (study 1a), a national tragedy (study 1b), terrorist attacks (studies 2a and 3b), a natural disaster (study 2b), and a presidential election (study 3b). These perceived differences between one's own and others' emotions declined over time, as relatively immediate and recent emotions subsided, a pattern that people were not intuitively aware of (study 2c). This immediacy bias in social-emotional comparisons emerged for both explicit comparisons (studies 1a, 1b, and 3b), and for absolute judgments of emotional intensity (studies 2a, 2b, and 3a). Finally, the immediacy bias in social-emotional comparisons was reduced when people were reminded that emotional display norms might lead others' appearances to understate emotional intensity (studies 3a and 3b). Implications of these findings for social-emotional phenomena are discussed.     

Choice of comparisons in intergroup settings: the role of temporal information and comparison motives

Three studies investigated comparison choices in intergroup settings, a neglected but important topic for theories of intergroup relations. Two main questions were addressed: What is role of comparison motives in determining comparison choices in intergroup contexts? How important are temporal comparisons (of the ingroup in the past or future) in intergroup settings? In Study 1 (N = 115), motives for Assessment or Enhancement were primed in a multi‐group performance context. Compared to Controls, Assessment priming encouraged both upward and downward comparisons, while Enhancement encouraged mainly downward comparisons. In general, temporal comparisons were as prevalent as comparisons with other groups. Study 2 (N = 199) employed a real‐world setting in which members of a mid‐ranking university indicated their interest in comparing with other higher or lower status universities or with their own university in the past. Temporal comparisons were once more much in evidence, and manipulating enhancement motives again encouraged downward comparisons. In Study 3 (N = 40), set in the context of inter‐nation student comparisons, Improvement motives were primed implicitly. This led to an increase in interest in an outgroup just above the ingroup but to a decrease in interest in future‐oriented comparisons. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.