Parental authority questionnaire

A questionnaire was developed for the purpose of measuring Baumrind's (1971) permissive, authoritarian, and authoritative parental authority prototypes. It consists of 30 items per parent and yields permissive, authoritarian, and authoritative scores for both the mother and the father; each of these scores is derived from the phenomenological appraisals of the parents' authority by their son or daughter. The results of several studies have supported the Parental Authority Questionnaire as a psychometrically sound and valid measure of Baumrind's parental authority prototypes, and they have suggested that this questionnaire has considerable potential as a valuable tool in the investigation of correlates of parental permissiveness, authoritarianism, and authoritativeness.     

Parental Authority Questionnaire

A questionnaire was developed for the purpose of measuring Baumrind's (1971) permissive, authoritarian, and authoritative parental authority prototypes. It consists of 30 items per parent and yields permissive, authoritarian, and authoritative scores for both the mother and the father; each of these scores is derived from the phenomenological appraisals of the parents' authority by their son or daughter. The results of several studies have supported the Parental Authority Questionnaire as a psychometrically sound and valid measure of Baumrind's parental authority prototypes, and they have suggested that this questionnaire has considerable potential as a valuable tool in the investigation of correlates of parental permissiveness, authoritarianism, and authoritativeness.     

Political Implications of Confucian Familism

The family could be mobilized as a political resource for economic ‘development’. What kind of family would be compatible with a knowledge-based economy? We argue that authoritarian Confucian familism is incompatible with the knowledge-based economy; but it is possible to construct a different model of the ideal Confucian family which will be compatible with such an economy: a family ideal that emphasizes internal strengths of relationships rather than building barriers to keep out ‘undesirable influences’, that advocates a respect for authority that is authoritative rather than authoritarian.     

Perceived Authoritarianism in Self and Others by Male College Students and Police Officers

This study tested 62 police officers and 62 college males on their own authoritarianism and their estimates of the authoritarian beliefs of the other group. College students perceived police officers as much more authoritarian than the officers represented themselves as being ( p < .0001). Officers were accurate in their estimations of students' authoritarianism, and there was no difference between officers and students in their characterizations of their own authoritarianism. The differences between these findings and those in much of the literature (especially that from the early 1970s) may be due to differences in police experience: Many of the officers in this sample had some college and thus direct experience with students. It may also be that officers are now being specifically chosen on the basis of less authoritarian attitudes. The results imply that rather than focusing on changing the attitudes of officers, police departments desiring better public relations might do well to concentrate on correcting public opinion.     

Disobeying an Illegitimate Request in a Democratic or Authoritarian System

Crimes of obedience in the form of illegal or immoral acts committed in response to orders from authority occur in many contexts. In particular, under some circumstances of threats, people can easily accept restrictions upon democratic procedures. Recent studies have underlined the role of legitimacy in understanding the authority relationship and the importance of evaluating the legitimacy of the request rather than the legitimacy of the authority in preventing the rise of authoritarianism. The purpose of this study was to verify if people respond differently when an illegitimate request is put forward by a democratic or an authoritarian authority. The results on 224 subjects confirmed that people tend to be more obedient when they perceive authorities as democratic, notwithstanding the legitimacy of their requests.     

Relationship of personal authoritarianism with parenting styles

This research investigated the relationship between the personality construct of right-wing authoritarianism and Baumrind's 1971 proposed parenting styles of authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parenting. 68 youth ages 12-18 along with one of their parents participated. The children rated both parents on Buri's 1991 Parental Authority Questionnaire. One of the parents responded to Altemeyer's Right-Wing Authoritarian Scale. People with higher scores on Altemeyer's scale were more likely to prefer the authoritarian parenting style as their offspring reported (r = .33). Permissive parenting correlated negatively with the measure of authoritarianism as a personality variable (r = -.56).     

Using multiple class indicators to examine working-class ideology

Eysenck showed that working-class supporters of any particular political party tended to be more conservative than middle-class supporters of the same party. Lipset has put forward the more ambitious thesis that working-class people in general are more authoritarian and conservative than middle-class people (except on economic issues). Existing evidence for the Lipset thesis suggests at best weak support for it with a lot depending on the particular scales used and the particular class index used. A comprehensive study is therefore presented in which six scales of conservatism, two scales of authoritarianism and political party preference are correlated with five social-class indices. Ss were a community sample of 203 Australians. Significant correlations were sparse and of low magnitude with working-class people tending to be radical rather than conservative on non-economic issues. Authoritarians also tended to be middle class rather than lower class. There were however two weak correlations with education in the direction predicted by Lipset.     

Ethnic differences in adolescent achievement. An ecological perspective.

Using data collected from a large sample of high school students, the authors challenge three widely held explanations for the superior school performance of Asian-American adolescents, and the inferior performance of African- and Hispanic-American adolescents: group differences in (a) parenting practices, (b) familial values about education, and (c) youngsters' beliefs about the occupational rewards of academic success. They found that White youngsters benefit from the combination of authoritative parenting and peer support for achievement, whereas Hispanic youngsters suffer from a combination of parental authoritarianism and low peer support. Among Asian-American students, peer support for academic excellence offsets the negative consequences of authoritarian parenting. Among African-American youngsters, the absence of peer support for achievement undermines the positive influence of authoritative parenting.     

Sexist attitudes and authoritarian personality characteristics among Australian adolescents

This paper examines the suggestion that sexism is a central feature of authoritarianism among young people. One hundred seventeen Australian adolescent schoolchildren completed questionnaires containing Phillips' (1979a, Child Study Journal, 9, 21–35) measure of classical authoritarianism for children and balanced measures of two other aspects of authoritarianism, namely, directiveness, modified from Ray (1976, Human Relations, 29, 307–325) and attitude to authority, modified from Rigby and Rump (1981, Journal of Psychology, 109, 109–118). Factor analyses of the results for classical authoritarianism replicated Phillips' earlier finding with younger schoolchildren that eight items identified as reflecting a sexist attitude loaded substantially on a first varimax rotated factor. These eight items constituted a reliable sexism scale (α = .80), which correlated significantly with the remainder of the classical authoritarianism scale, after controlling for the contribution of age (partial r = .30). However, the partial correlations with balanced measures of directiveness and attitude to authority were not significant. These results suggest that sexism may be one aspect of authoritarianism, rather than a central feature.     

Relations of Parenting Styles and Friendship Quality to Self-Esteem,Life Satisfaction and Happiness in Adolescents

This study aims to examine the effects of mother’s and father’s perceived parenting style and friendship quality on several indicators of adolescents’ well-being. High school students (n?=?401) completed scales assessing their perception of their mother’s and father’s parenting style (authoritarian, authoritative and permissive), quality of friendship, self-esteem, general satisfaction with life and subjective happiness. The results showed that the perceived parenting style of both parents as well as the quality of friendship had significant effects on adolescent’s well-being, while the interaction effects of friendship quality and either parent’s parenting style were not significant. Adolescents of authoritative and permissive mothers reported higher self-esteem and life satisfaction than adolescents who had authoritarian mothers. Also, adolescents who considered their mothers authoritative were happier than those with authoritarian mothers. Adolescents who perceived their fathers as authoritative or permissive showed higher results on all assessed indicators of well-being than adolescents whose fathers were authoritarian. Furthermore, adolescents with a higher quality of friendship reported more happiness, life-satisfaction and self-esteem. The obtained results highlight the importance of the role of parents and peers in fostering positive development in adolescence.     

Authoritarian reactions to terrorist threat: Who is being threatened,the Me or the We?

Endorsement of authoritarian attitudes has been observed to increase under conditions of terrorist threat. However, it is not clear whether this effect is a genuine response to perceptions of personal or collective threat. We investigated this question in two experiments using German samples. In the first experiment (N = 144), both general and specific authoritarian tendencies increased after asking people to imagine that they were personally affected by terrorism. No such effect occurred when they were made to think about Germany as a whole being affected by terrorism. This finding was replicated and extended in a second experiment (N = 99), in which personal and collective threat were manipulated orthogonally. Authoritarian and ethnocentric (ingroup bias) reactions occurred only for people highly identified with their national ingroup under personal threat, indicating that authoritarian responses may operate as a group‐level coping strategy for a threat to the personal self. Again, we found no effects for collective threat. In both studies, authoritarianism mediated the effects of personal threat on more specific authoritarian and ethnocentric reactions. These results suggest that the effects of terrorist threat on authoritarianism can, at least in part, be attributed to a sense of personal insecurity, raised under conditions of terrorist threat. We discuss the present findings with regard to basic sociomotivational processes (e.g., group‐based control restoration, terror management) and how these may relate to recent models of authoritarianism.     

H<Emphasis Type="SmallCaps">uang</Emphasis> Zongxi as a Republican: A Theory of Governance for Confucian Democracy

Confucianism has been historically intertwined with authoritarianism in general and monarchy in specific. Various contemporary attempts to reconcile Confucianism with democracy have yielded controversial results mostly due to the theoretical tension between the authoritarian character of the former and the liberal one of the latter. This article seeks to develop an alternative route to Confucian democracy by drawing from Huang Zongxi’s 黃宗羲 Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince (Mingyi Daifang Lu 明夷待訪錄). In this well-known work, Huang argues for a form of limited government that is built upon laws, political protection of academic freedom, good institutional designs, and separation of governmental powers. While these features seem to qualify Huang only as a defective liberal, this article argues that they are in much coherence with the insights of republicanism concerning good governance. This article will argue that the republican themes embodied in Waiting for the Dawn can justify and support a particular form of Confucian republican democracy.     

A Within-Group Analysis of African American Mothers’ Authoritarian Attitudes,Limit-Setting and Children’s Self-Regulation

Research suggests that higher levels of authoritarian parenting exist in African American (AA) families than in European American (EA) families, and that authoritarian attitudes may be associated with more positive outcomes in AA families than EA families. However, less is known about authoritarian attitudes and children’s development within AA families. This within-group study of 50 African American mothers and their 3-year-old children examined associations between maternal authoritarian attitudes, observed maternal limit-setting strategies, and children’s self-regulation during a limit-setting interaction. The findings indicate that while AA families may hold more authoritarian attitudes than EA families, the direction of effect of authoritarian attitudes on children’s outcomes appears to be the same in both ethnic groups. In this sample, when examining AA authoritarian attitudes relative to those of other AA mothers, less or lower authoritarian attitudes were associated with authoritative limit-setting behavior (firm limits within the context of overall warmth and responsiveness) and better children’s self-regulation.     

A link between mothers' disciplinary strategies and children's relational aggression

This study examines the association between maternal disciplinary strategies and children's level of relational aggression, and then compares these associations with those found with overt aggression. Eighty‐two 4th graders (aged 9–11 years) completed peer nomination measures of relational and overt aggression, and their mothers completed a questionnaire designed to assess their use of disciplinary strategies (e.g. authoritarian, authoritative, permissive). Consistent with prior research, parental reliance on authoritarian strategies was positively associated with children's level of overt aggression, especially among boys. There was also a trend towards a positive association between authoritarianism and relational aggression among both boys and girls. In addition, this study is the first to show a positive association between maternal permissiveness and relational aggression. This association appears to be specific to relational, and not overt aggression, and emerge more strongly for girls than boys. The implications of these results for understanding the developmental underpinnings of relational aggression are discussed.     

主管威权领导与下属前瞻行为：一个被中介的调节模型构建与检验

采用214份主管-下属配对调查数据, 考察了威权领导这一华人企业组织中特有的领导方式对下属前瞻行为的影响, 尤其是检验了下属对领导者信任的中介作用与权威主义和集体主义这两种传统价值取向的调节作用。层次回归分析结果表明：(1)威权领导与下属的前瞻行为呈显著负相关; (2)对领导者的信任在威权领导与下属前瞻行为之间起完全中介作用; (3)下属权威主义取向对威权领导与下属对领导者信任和前瞻行为之间的负向关系均具有显著的弱化效应, 并且下属对领导者的信任完全中介了威权领导与下属权威主义取向之间的交互作用对前瞻行为的影响; (4)下属集体主义取向对威权领导与下属对领导者的信任之间的负向关系具有显著的增强效应。     

Authoritarian personalities in the natural and social sciences

This research is an extension of a previous finding, that authoritarian personalities are predisposed to the social sciences and nonauthoritarians to the natural sciences. Two hypotheses were tested: (1) Within the social sciences, more authoritarian personalities enter economics and geography than psychology, social work, or sociology; and (2) between the first and last years in college, in “authoritarian departments” there is an increase, while in “nonauthoritarian departments” there is a decrease in the students' authoritarianism.     

The importance of gender and affect in the socialization of adolescents' beliefs about benevolent authority: Evidence from Chinese indigenous psychology

Belief in the benevolence and moral legitimacy of leaders in central government is theorized as a form of cultural capital consistent with the hierarchical relationalism of East Asian societies with Confucian roots. A reliable measure of benevolent authority beliefs (BAB) is introduced, and its convergent and discriminant validity relative to established measures of institutional trust are established. Its socialization as part of the political culture of Taiwan was examined among high school adolescents aged 13–16. Significant gender differences were found inconsistent with traditional patriarchy. Regression analyses showed that within the relationship with mothers but not fathers, adolescents associated higher reciprocal filial piety, authoritative parenting, and authentic (positive) affect with higher BAB. For daughters but not sons, reciprocal filial piety, authoritative parenting style, and authentic (positive) affect in the relationship with their father were positively associated with BAB. Affect‐based transfer from parent‐child relationships rather than authoritarian obligations based on rote learning was a key socializing factor in a contemporary Chinese society.     

Gender and Age Differences in Brazilian Children's Friendship Nominations and Peer Sociometric Ratings

This article reports on an investigation into the relation between young adults' retrospective reports of their mothers' and fathers' division of household labor (egalitarian or traditional) and parenting styles (authoritative, permissive, authoritarian, or disengaged). Participants' own gender attitudes were also tested in relation to parents' division of labor and parenting. The sample included 294 women and men (M =19-years old) who were raised in 2-parent households and came from a range of ethnic backgrounds. When mothers' parenting was evaluated, permissive parenting was more likely among those from egalitarian households whereas authoritarian parenting was more likely among those from traditional households. When fathers' parenting was evaluated, authoritative parenting was more likely among participants from egalitarian households and disengaged parenting was more likely among those from traditional households. The association between fathers' parenting style and division of labor was specific to the division of childcare (rather than housework). Participants' gender attitudes were not related to parents' division of labor or parenting style.     

Interaction between maternal and paternal parenting styles with infant temperament in emerging behavior problems

This study examined the interaction effects of infant temperament (negative affect, orienting/regulatory capacity, surgency) on the relationship between maternal and paternal parenting styles (authoritative, authoritarian, permissive) and externalizing and internalizing behaviors simultaneously. A diverse sample of mothers (N = 186) and fathers (N = 142) reported on infant temperament of their 6-month-olds and their children’s internalizing and externalizing behaviors one year later. Significant interactions revealed: (a) surgency moderated maternal authoritative and paternal permissive parenting style and externalizing behaviors; and (b) surgency moderated maternal authoritarian and paternal authoritative parenting style and internalizing behaviors. No significant interactions were found between maternal and paternal parenting styles and their report of their infants’ orienting/regulatory capacity and negative affect. Findings suggest interaction effects may appear beginning in infancy.     

The obedience–disobedience dynamic and the role of responsibility

Obedience has been thoroughly studied in social psychology, both in its positive and negative aspects. Nevertheless, in these empirical studies disobedience has been considered to be the opposite of obedience and indeed its negation. Instead, some recent studies suggest that if obedience to authority is important in ensuring the continuity of social and group life, disobedience is crucial, under some circumstances, in stopping the authority relationship from degenerating into an authoritarian relationship. In this perspective, disobedience may be conceived of as a protest undermining the legitimacy of authority, or else it can represent an instrument of the community for controlling the legitimacy of the authority's demands, becoming a factor safeguarding against authoritarianism. The aim of the present study was to empirically verify the dynamics existing between disobedience and obedience. The results show that people who attach importance to both obedience and disobedience in the relationship between the individual and society recognize the importance of democratic values and consider themselves responsible for the defence of human rights. Instead, people who only recognize the value of obedience and consider disobedience as a threat to the status quo are more authoritarian, individualistic people. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.