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1.
This essay examines similarities between the Hebrew chronicle of Shlomo bar Shimshon and the Latin chronicle of Albert of Aachen. Both sources describe the massacre of Rhineland Jews during the First Crusade and the subsequent defeat of the Crusaders by the Hungarians and the Bulgarians. On the basis of similarities in structure, content, and language between these two accounts, I argue that Shlomo chose to integrate at least one Christian source into his narrative. At the same time, I assert that it is unlikely that Shlomo’s Hebrew account was translated directly from Albert’s Latin chronicle. I present evidence indicating that the information conveyed in the Latin text reached the Jewish chronicler via vernacular channels, either oral or written.  相似文献   

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Despite the expansion of research on the subject of Jewish apostates in Iberia, or conversos as they are more commonly known, we still know distressingly little about the history of Jews converted to Christianity prior to the riots of 1391. Focusing on the royal registers of King Pere III (Pedro IV of Aragon, 1336–1387) and his son Joan I (1387–1396), this article explores the issue of Jewish apostasy in the Crown of Aragon between 1378 and 1391. While Jewish conversion to Christianity is often described as the result of Christian violence, a closer look at Jewish apostates shows that reasons for conversion varied greatly in the late fourteenth-century Crown of Aragon. Jews sought conversion not only as a way out of economic and legal troubles but also in exchange for specific rewards from the king. Conversion led to much conflict between Jews and conversos and records suggest that the period experienced a rise in conversions. Yet rather than being the product of Christian harassment, which is entirely absent from the records, conversion may have been one of the few avenues left for marginal Jews to weather the declining economic conditions of the late fourteenth century.  相似文献   

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This study takes a fresh look at the tale of Rabbi Amram of Mainz, which appears in both Gedalyah ibn Ya?ya’s Hebrew Shalshelet haqabbalah (Venice, 1587) and the Yiddish Mayse bukh (Basel, 1602). Based on the legend of Saint Emmeram of Regensburg, the tale has long been considered a classic case of Jewish narrative borrowing from Christian hagiography. Drawing on both literary and archival sources of both Christian and Jewish provenance to place the tale in its local context, the article shows that the legend’s narrators in fact appropriated the Christian saint in a very sophisticated way. Rather than simply dressing a Jewish hero in a Christian plot, they implied that their own, clearly derivative version was the one containing ultimate religious truth and that the ostensibly more successful Christian cult was a fraud. They thus used their intimate knowledge of Christian legendry to beat the church with its own weapons. In this sense, the narrative does testify to the great attraction that the veneration of saints must have held for medieval Jews; at the same time, it is a monument to its narrators’ sense of self-preservation in the face of the Christian master narrative so dominant in medieval Europe.  相似文献   

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The so-called Barcelona disputation of 1263 was one of the earliest Jewish-Christian disputations in medieval Europe. The disputants were Paul Christian, a Jewish convert to Christianity and member of the Dominican order, and the well known Jewish sage Ramban (Rabbi Moses ben Nahman of Gerona). In the disputation Paul Christian used an innovative method: he attempted to prove the truth of basic Christian dogma, for instance that the Messiah had already come, by using classical Jewish texts, especially the Talmud. Paul Christian used the same method in his sermons which the Jews in the area were forced to listen to. When one analyses the arguments he employs, it becomes obvious how he alludes to both Jewish and Christian traditions in order to convince his listeners.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Jewish, Christian, and Muslim legal traditions have all attempted to define and prohibit blasphemy: insult or verbal attack against their religion, against its rites and symbols, against God and his human representatives. Such laws could be internal (prohibiting blasphemy by members of the faith group) or external (prohibiting insult by those outside the faith). This article will first briefly trace the former, looking at how Jewish, Christian, and Muslim legal traditions from Antiquity and the Middle Ages define and prohibit blasphemy. The second part of the article will then focus on the second issue, looking at how Christian and Muslim legal traditions attempted to prohibit insults to the faith by adherents of other religions. We shall look, for example, at various Christian laws dealing with what was perceived as Jewish mockery of Christian ritual and sacred objects: from mock crucifixions allegedly practiced by Jews as part of Purim celebrations in the fifth-century Roman Empire to Jews who supposedly derided the Eucharist during thirteenth-century Corpus Christi processions. We shall in parallel examine prohibitions in Muslim legal texts (including the so-called Pact of ?‘Umar) of dhimmīs insulting the Prophet Muhammad or the Qur'an. This comparison will show that, while blasphemy was illegal and could be harshly sanctioned and there were lines that religious minorities must not cross, these lines were often not clearly delimited, and became the object of conflict and negotiation.  相似文献   

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This article examines the changing Jewish attitudes toward the Mount of Olives, and toward the identification of its “hero” to come in the last days, in relation to the mount’s changing jurisdiction under Roman, Byzantine, and Muslim authority. It illustrates how the Christian appropriation of biblical ideas about the mountain—transforming the ascent and future descent of the Shekhinah into the ascent and future descent of Jesus—led the Jews to abandon those notions, and how the Muslim conquest then brought about a reinvigoration and expansion of the mountain’s original associations among Jews by relocating the appearance of the Messiah as well as apocalyptic scenes on the mount. In the first of these developments, the Byzantine prohibition against Jews approaching Jerusalem led to a distancing of the Jewish people from the biblical and postbiblical traditions that had been connected with the Mount of Olives and its environs during the Second Temple period. Subsequently, the Muslim occupation of the area neutralized that tension, allowing Jews to return to the mountain and restoring the traditions associated with it to the Jewish consciousness. The reaffirmation of the Jewish connection with the Mount of Olives and its ancient association with the future hero may be seen in two developments that took place under Muslim rule: its choice as the location for a yearly Hoshana Rabbah ceremony and its renewed identification as the site for the resurrection of the dead at the End of Days.  相似文献   

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On 29 March 1516 the Venetian Senate ordered all Jews residing in the city to move behind the walls of the ghetto. The mandate stipulated that Jews would be watched by Christian guards twenty-four hours a day and restricted by a nighttime curfew. In such a surveilled space, Venice’s ghetto windows played an integral role in the complex and interactive networks constituting the city and its constituency. The singular status of ghetto architecture—especially the injunctions regarding its fenestration—provides an opportunity to explore the processes of ghettoization that partitioned a population and monitored the activities of Jews and Christians alike. Windows produced spatial occasions for looking and being looked at that reinforced social difference and created profound cultural fissures. This article studies the windows of the Venetian ghetto and the city’s ongoing claims to obstruct them in the early modern period. To study the window is to study the demarcation between public good and private plurality, between the citizen and the subordinated Other.  相似文献   

10.
In the later thirteenth century, patterns of inheritance shifted among Barcelonese Jews away from a preference for holding inherited land in common toward dividing the estate on the death of the testator. An early example of this practice is the Hebrew will of Astrug de Tolosa. By situating this will in the context of other Jewish wills from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, as well as comparing it to those of contemporary Christians, one may see how ideas about the family in this important Jewish community evolved. This article focuses on provisions for wives and daughters and the designation of heirs and concludes that Jews and Christians shared a view of dowry and inheritance as components of a single system for transferring property to the next generation. However, unlike Christians, Jews resisted favoring a single heir with the bulk of the estate. Examining the provisions of inheritance makes it possible to argue that despite differing legal frameworks, Jewish and Christian practice bespeak common cultural contexts – yet ones whose parallels were not always complete.  相似文献   

11.
The story of King Alfonso VIII of Castile’s affair with a Jewess of Toledo is perhaps the most famous medieval account of love between a Christian and a Jew. This article begins with the story’s first appearance toward the end of the thirteenth century and traces its expansion across several hundred years, in order to describe the roles played by figures of Judaism (and of women) in enacting and representing conflict within Christian politics. Once embedded in Castilian political theology, the Jewess reveals a good deal about how and why charges of Jew-love and Judaizing were deployed in late medieval conflicts over new forms of monarchical power, centralizing government, and administration. The article concludes with a focus on the Jewess’ role in both legitimating and criticizing a particularly important practice: the increasing royal delegation of administrative power to one favored minister (privado). By placing the Jewess at the center of debate over this practice, the article demonstrates how she simultaneously contributed to and reflected a transformation of the possibilities for Christian politics in Castile and for Jewish life in Sefarad. The present article is a much revised and expanded version of “Alfonso VIII and the Jewess of Toledo: A Political Affair,” in Essays in Honor of Denah Lida, ed. M. Berg and L.A. Gyurko (Boston, 2005): pp. 27-43. Like its precursor, it is dedicated with love to my great aunt.  相似文献   

12.
Nina Caputo 《Jewish History》2008,22(1-2):97-114
Records of traumatic events in the Jewish past provide the historian a rare glimpse at how community leaders interpreted and understood the historical conditions of diasporic Jews as well as their own immediate communities. In 1236 a violent altercation between a Jewish traveler and a local Christian precipitated a mass uprising against the city's Jewish community. Rapid intervention by the local viscount, Don Aymeric, restored peace to the Jewish quarter, averting loss of life or valuable property. Modern interpretations of this text have varied significantly since its discovery in the late nineteenth century. Scholars have struggled to reconcile it with their expectations of the shape and meaning of the Jewish past. Because the thirteenth-century author of this brief narrative suggested a typological link between the events in Narbonne and the story of Purim, the dominant modern interpretation has viewed this account as evidence of a very early Second Purim commemoration. However there is little evidence to support this claim. This article reads the narrative of the “Purim of Narbonne” against other medieval Jewish narratives about the history and legacy of Jewish Narbonne*.  相似文献   

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This article argues that Christianity and Judaism, as they have developed historically, express complementary but opposing exceptionalist perspectives. The article defines “exceptionalism” in terms of the singular mission that Jews and Christians each claim for themselves and the varied Jewish and Christian conceptions of how their missions relate to non-Jews and non-Christians respectively. While Jewish exceptionalism consists in the demand to be left alone to live its God-given mission with not much concern for what God expects from the other nations save that it is different from what God expects from the Jews, Christian exceptionalism demands that all peoples follow its singular vision of redemption through Christ. This article develops these arguments by way of considering competing readings of the Book of Ruth, continuing debates about the Apostle Paul in recent historical scholarship, as well as history’s role in theological reflection. The article argues that Christians and Jews need to reckon with their respective exceptionalisms on their own decidedly singular terms, and not on the terms of each other, since to do otherwise would be to renounce their respective exceptionalisms and to lose the theological singularity that defines each faith tradition. Nevertheless, the article concludes by calling for more intellectual honesty from Christians and Jews regarding what their exceptionalisms do and do not entail as well as for the enduring importance of bringing historical research to bear on theology.  相似文献   

15.
This essay focuses on an Inquisitorial trial in which a Jewish banker, Moise de Modena, well respected in the Modenese community (Christian as well as Jewish), decided in 1625 to make a stand against two constables and refuse them the customary ‘protection money’ which they demanded during the festival of Purim. The event provided a shaky foundation for their charge of proselytizing. De Modena faced persistent Inquisitorial prosecution but chose also to hire Christian legal counsel to defend him. The trial raises questions about Jews who were able to work behind the scenes during Inquisitorial prosecution in early modern Italy to ensure their acquittal. It also examines gift-giving as a specific social practice between Jews and Christians during he Jews’ ‘carnivalesque’ Purim, which in this particular year fell during Holy Week.  相似文献   

16.
The Breslau Jewish Museum's brief history mirrors the changing identity German Jews held in the national community between 1928 and 1938. The Museum was initially founded by an optimistic group of prominent Breslau Jews who wished to both chronicle and celebrate the place Jews had in Weimar era Silesian and Breslau culture. But the group's ambitions soon had to be reassessed. After Hitler's assumption of power in 1933 it became increasingly clear that Jewishness was not to be flaunted or celebrated publicly, much less institutionally. As Jews came under attack, the Jewish Museum assumed the defensive role of guardian of Jewish heritage, objects and culture. Its new isolation from the non-Jewish Silesian and Breslau communities paralleled the growing marginalization of German Jews generally. The Museum's closure just days before Kristallnacht in 1938 seems prescient; both events signalled the end of Jewish life in Germany and the abrogation of German Jewish identity.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

This article focuses on the concept of ‘blessing’ Israel that has become common among contemporary American Christian Zionists. After introducing a theological scheme that has dominated discussions of contemporary Christian Zionism, the article critically examines one of the emerging narratives concerning the (re)discovery of Christian Zionists’ Jewish roots and the way the Jewish contribution to Christianity is framed. Following this, the article considers the way Israel and Jews are understood to hold a distinct place in the network of world redemption and how contemporary Israel acts as a marker—what is referred to as a ‘signifier of stability’—that helps Christian Zionists locate God’s ongoing work in the world. Finally, the article discusses how Christian Zionists ‘bless’ Israel in practical ways as a form of submission to God, a reminder of their relationship with God, and a way to locate themselves in the redemptive process.  相似文献   

18.
After the destruction of the Temple by the Romans, Jews continued to look for the coming of the Messiah and the re‐establishment of the kingdom. In this they differed sharply from Christians, for whom the Messiah had already come. The rise of Islam and the Muslim defeat of the Roman‐Byzantine empire was interpreted by some Jews as a sign of the coming of the Messiah. Some of the earliest Christian writings to mention Islam were produced as part of the ongoing Jewish‐Christian polemic, and only with time does the emphasis move into a Christian‐Muslim polemic.  相似文献   

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This article examines the support given to Jewish converts both before and after their conversion to the Lutheran faith during Pietism. Two central measures of support are discussed: proselyte institutes and proselyte charities. The first were aimed mainly at people with a Jewish background, the second were accessible primarily to members of the non-ruling Christian denomination but also, to a lesser degree, to Jews and followers of other religions. Most Pietist supporters of proselyte institutes had networks that reached across and beyond the whole empire, and were also connected with proselyte charities. Those charities were part of the common conversion policy, which was not only closely connected with the welfare practices of secular and church authorities but was also an expression of denominational rivalry. These measures and institutions notwithstanding, Jewish proselytes, like converts from other religions and denominations endured discrimination; Converts lamented that there was no real integration into the Christian community, even after their baptism, and support was too often conditional on “good behavior”, even when, seemingly, there was good will on the part of institutes and their sustainers.  相似文献   

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