"大一统"原则规范下的秦汉政治与文化

原义为"崇尚统一"的"大一统"概念,逐渐延伸出"高度统一"的含义,充实了"大一统"的内涵.在追求政治版图统一的核心内涵不变的基础上,秦汉时代的"大一统"概念还包含了学术文化的统一和制度文化的统一等内容.秦汉"大一统"的时代精神,反映在人们虚拟历史现象为现实社会政治文化的"大一统"张目,各类文化创造活动中对"大一统"精神的讴歌与弘扬,使中国的"大一统"理念之源头更加博大精深.     

"大一统"理念辨析

本文对古典儒家提出的与大一统有关的三种观念进行了分析:第一种是公羊学,主要是董仲舒提出的作为宪法秩序之建立程序的大一统,第二种是董仲舒要求确立儒术为新王官学的大一统,第三种是孟子提出的强调仁德对于治理之绝对价值的"定于一"。这三种大一统观念均与近代以来人们基于民族国家理念而形成的"领土统一"观念无关,而恰恰足以消解后者。     

"大一统"视野下的历史人物观

"大一统"思想作为中华民族文化血脉中一个根深蒂固的成分,一向是中国人评价历史人物的重要尺度.无论在何种环境下,追求或顺应"一统"的人往往得到后世的好评,而企求"分裂"或满足于分裂状态的人则大多受贬斥.在通常情况下,"大一统"这一评价标准能超越人物的实际功绩、仁、和平、汉族主义和阶级意识等一系列其他的评价标准.     

未来中国马克思主义哲学

中国马克思主义哲学研究的未来走向,与过去和现在的研究现状密切相关,必然受多种因素的制约,主要是:马克思主义哲学中国化的传统、时代与时代主题、中国现代化建设的历史进程、世界性的哲学交流与对话等等。论文就相关问题,如哲学与政治、学术性与现实性、理论与实践、哲学与群众、主流学派与非主流学派、革命家与哲学家、哲学研究方式与实证研究方式等进行讨论。论文的结论:中国化的马克思主义研究将仍然是主流,过去哲学研究那种大一统的局面将不复存在,多样性的研究、主流学派与非主流学派并存,在建设中国特色的社会主义中,各种研究路径互相竞争、互相切磋、互相促进,未来中国马克思主义哲学研究将会出现前所未有的繁荣     

"后单位时代"集体道德行动的特征及其规律——基于社会调查的实证研究

改革开放前单位组织的集体道德行动逻辑有着明确的可预见性.文化多样、利益多元的"后单位时代"集体道德行动呈现出不同于单位制度时代的道德行动逻辑,调查数据表明,单位组织集体道德行动的特征及其规律,具体表现在道德行动方向多元、道德行动动力不足及道德行动能力欠缺上.当代中国单位组织集体道德行动,在传统伦理"路径依赖"与市场经济"自然法则"的双重挤压下现实地呈现,在个体德性与"伦理场域"的相互关联中辩证地开展,在社会现实的伦理需要和伦理理论的创新发展中健康地运行.     

"大一统"观念的起源及其流变

作为中国古代奠基性的思想观念,大一统的内涵异常丰富。从《公羊传》的最早提出,到董仲舒的引申发挥,再到正统、统一等重要思想、政治理念固定成形,经历了一系列复杂的转换聚合。追溯《公羊》的大一统的本义,梳理其流变,有助于我们思考古今变通的法则,为当今传统思想的转型提供借鉴。     

乱世宿命与近代变局:太平天国时期士人政治选择

近代中国的"千年变局"改变了传统士人的乱世"宿命",他们选择了维护清王朝。满清的社会动员方式是通过维持传统道统,以应对"大一统"国家主权危机,以主权危机的消解来缓解王朝统治合法性危机。当传统知识精英把维护清朝统治与维护"大一统"中国合二为一的时候,传统中国改朝换代的历史进程发生改变,知识精英的"中国"观念悄然发生变化。     

"后基因时代"的哲学反思

结构基因组学与功能基因组学的划分,割裂了"结构与功能"的辩证关系,实践上容易造成结构基因组学大功告成的误解."后基因时代"的提法,在科研思维方式上还容易误导人们追新逐热,急功近利.这种提法也是医药企业追逐商业利润的产物.     

少数民族与中国历史上的大一统

本文从少数民族对中国大一统理论的贡献、少数民族与中国大一统的历史实践、少数民族与近代中国的反侵略斗争、少数民族与中华民族的构建等四个方面,比较系统和深入地分析了少数民族与中国历史上大一统理论的形成与发展,少数民族建立大一统政权的历史贡献,少数民族为维护国家大一统而做出的卓绝努力,以及少数民族与汉族共建中华民族的历史脉络.史实证明,中国历史上的大一统是汉族和少数民族共同缔造的,中国历史是中国各族人民休戚相关、荣辱与共的历史.     

“公羊学”的历史哲学

三统说与三世说是“公羊学”大一统的历史哲学。三统说有循环论的不足,但具有更多有价值的成分。三世说是由三世异辞说发展而来,三世异辞说主要是对孔子作《春秋》三世异辞的说明,还不是社会历史观,然而,却是何休社会渐变的发展历史观的三世说形成的直接基础。而这一三世说的社会渐变的发展历史观,代表着中国古代社会历史观的最高水平。与三统说相联系的大一统,具有大一统被不断打破的悲剧色彩;而与三世说相联系的大一统,则为人类社会的向前发展展示了必然的喜剧色彩。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

易道辩正

易道是易学思想的精髓或内在精神,其最根本的特征是所谓的“一阴一阳之道”。作为易学结构基元的易卦卦象符号,与阴阳观念具有先天性的亲和力,从而使得阴阳观念有了一个可以符号化表征的形式系统。在汉代,阴阳五行与易学成为一个统一的有机整体。两汉的象数理论试图将易道(天道)完全形式化努力的最终结果是“入于礻几祥”,成为一套牵强附会的繁琐哲学。魏晋以后,诸如“时”、“中”一类具有明显的个人独知默会、参悟修证意义的命题,逐渐成为一阴一阳、生生不息的“易道”最为生动的表征。道之真谛,若以易理言之,就是“自强不息”,“与时偕行”。