Do masks terminate the icon?

Iconic memory is operationally defined by part-report experiments (Sperling, 1960 Sperling, G. 1960. The information available in a brief visual presentation. Psychological Monographs: General and Applied, 74(11): 1–29. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). If a mask is presented after the target, the mask is thought to be superposed on the target in the iconic representation, or to displace it from the representation. But could a cue presented after a pattern mask still allow selection within the target array? A target array of letters was followed by a checkerboard mask. We compared two target–mask interstimulus intervals (ISIs; 0 and 100 ms), and six cue delays. At ISI?=?0 ms, performance was at chance, for part report and whole report. At ISI?=?100 ms, with the shortest cue delay, observers demonstrated a part-report advantage of 25–30%. As cue delay increased the part-report advantage decreased. These results are inconsistent with an iconic memory that is automatically displaced or overwritten by new information. We consider two alternatives: a second-stage store, which represents letters in terms of their high-level features and which the mask cannot penetrate, or a four-dimensional store that preserves separately the representations of the target and its aftercoming mask. We discuss the implications of our results for studies that use backward masking to “terminate the icon”.     

Do noise masks terminate target processing?

Much recent research in visual information processing has employed a methodology resting on the assumption that a noise mask following presentation of a target stimulus terminates processing of that target. In the absence of appropriate controls, such a methodology is viable only insofar as an erasure theory of masking is valid. However, the phenomena from which the erasure position has derived its strongest support have been subject to alternative theoretical explanations, the most general of which is that of temporal integration. The experiment reported here tested these alternatives. Twelve subjects served in a tachistoscopic study designed to determine whether the same noise field of dots could either erase a degraded target digit or facilitate target identification through temporal integration, under both forward and backward masking paradigms. This was found to be the case, and the results were interpreted as consistent with an integration theory of masking and as incompatible with an erasure conception. The results suggested that efforts to control target processing time through display of a visual noise pattern subsequent to target presentation are methodologically inadequate when devoid of some basic control operations.     

Do face masks undermine social connection?

Mask mandates were commonplace around the world during the COVID-19 pandemic and essential to slowing the spread of SARS-CoV-2. However, it is still unclear whether and how masks impact social bonding. Building on past research examining the effects of masking on emotion recognition and social perception, the current research examines the effect of masking on feelings of social connectedness. Three studies (total N = 177) using videotaped introductions of masked and unmasked peers and varied assessments of desire for social connectedness yielded no differences as a function of masking. Although participants reported more difficulty hearing masked (vs. unmasked) peers, masking did not significantly impact other facets of communication or perception related to social bonding. When participants filmed their own introductory videos (Study 3), results showed increased expressivity within the masked (vs. unmasked) conditions, perhaps as a compensatory measure to aid bonding. These findings speak to the resiliency of the human need to belong and belonging-maintenance processes.     

Do masks matter? Consumer perceptions of social media influencers who wear face masks amid the COVID-19 pandemic

The rapid spread of COVID-19 brought about an increased use of face masks among the general public. Focusing on disposable surgical masks in particular, this article examines consumer perceptions of and intentions toward social media influencers who wear such masks amid the pandemic. Drawing on the theory of product symbolism, this research experimentally demonstrates that masked (vs. unmasked) influencers remind consumers of highly competent healthcare professionals, leading in turn to greater competence inferences about and more favorable behavioral intentions toward these influencers. Additional analysis demonstrates that this effect might not hold for other groups of professionals who are considered relatively competent at the outset and/or whose profession is less reliant on external cues. Overall, this research suggests that apart from curtailing the spread of the pandemic, mask wearing might prove beneficial to certain groups of professionals, such as social media influencers, who have traditionally struggled to establish credibility. In a broader context, this research establishes mask wearing as a new form of nonverbal communication that warrants further examination.     

How much is an icon worth?

We report a new technique for assessing the amount of information extracted from the icon that follows a briefly presented picture. The problem of how to measure such information was formulated in terms of how much physical exposure of a picture an icon is worth. Consider two types of stimulus presentations, each with a base duration of d ms. The first is a d-ms picture followed by an icon, and the second is a d + a-ms picture not followed by an icon. How large does a have to be so that equivalent amounts of information are extracted in the two cases? To answer this question, we showed people pictures and later tested their memory for the pictures. We found that the physical exposure duration needed to reach a particular level of performance was approximately 100 ms longer when an icon was not permitted versus when the icon was permitted. This value was independent of the base duration and the luminance of the picture. Moreover, the same value was obtained using three different kinds of memory test and four different sets of pictures. We conclude that an icon is worth approximately 100 ms of additional physical exposure duration. A reasonable explanation for this robust equivalence between icon and stimulus is that the same encoding processes are responsible for extracting information from the icon and from the physical stimulus. Therefore, any variable that affects these encoding processes must affect extraction of information from the icon and the physical stimulus in an identical manner. This prediction was confirmed for one such variable, picture luminance.     

Post-cueing after erasure of the icon: Is there a set effect?

Recognition accuracy in a tachistoscopic identification task typically declines as the size of the set from which the target was selected increases. To determine whether this effect is due to selective encoding from iconic store, a masking stimulus, intended to erase the icon, was presented following the stimulus. Information about the set was then presented. It was found that subjects' performance in this post-cueing situation did not differ from performance in a pre-cueing condition, where the set was presented prior to the stimulus. It was concluded that set size does not have its effect through selective encoding from iconic store. Results were discussed in terms of the fragment theory.     

Do supplementary signs distract the driver?

In 2005, the regulation of signage on German highways was changed and now allows supplementary signs. These signs are installed below direction signs and inform about the services offered on motorway service areas. Being advertisement, the supplementary signs bear the risk to distract drivers looking for directional information. To study the influence of supplementary signs, four experiments (N = 30) were conducted. Experiment 1 used the phenomenon of change blindness as an indicator for the allocation of attention. It could be shown that drivers searching for a specific direction direct nearly no attention to the supplementary signs. In experiment 2 and 3, the influence of the supplementary signs on perceptional threshold for directional information and on self-chosen perception times was measured. Neither the perceptional threshold nor perception times freely chosen by the participants were negatively affected by the supplementary signs. The last experiment analyzed the influence of supplementary signs on driver reaction in a critical driving situation in a driving simulator study. Here, supplementary signs had no negative impact on collision rate and reaction time. Based on the results, it is concluded that drivers use effective attentional strategies while searching for directional information. In the experiments no negative effects of the supplementary signs could be found.     

Do the upright eyes have it?

Eye contact is crucial for social communication. A perceived direct gaze facilitates detection, whereas face inversion diminishes this facilitative effect (Senju, Hasegawa, & Tojo, 2005). In the present study, we adopted a visual search paradigm to investigate why a direct gaze facilitates detection in an upright face, but not in an upside-down face. Upright eyes were found to facilitate detection even when other parts of the face were inverted or absent, whereas inverted eyes had no effect on search performance. A critical role for the morphological information of upright eyes, which can be distorted by “eye inversion,” in direct gaze processing is suggested.     

Do children learn the integers by induction?

According to one theory about how children learn the meaning of the words for the positive integers, they first learn that "one," "two," and "three" stand for appropriately sized sets. They then conclude by inductive inference that the next numeral in the count sequence denotes the size of sets containing one more object than the size denoted by the preceding numeral. We have previously argued, however, that the conclusion of this Induction does not distinguish the standard meaning of the integers from nonstandard meanings in which, for example, "ten" could mean set sizes of 10, 20, 30,... elements. Margolis and Laurence [Margolis, E., & Laurence, S. (2008). How to learn the natural numbers: Inductive inference and the acquisition of number concepts. Cognition, 106, 924-939] believe that our argument depends on attributing to children "radically indeterminate" concepts. We show, first, that our conclusion is compatible with perfectly determinate meanings for "one" through "three." Second, although the inductive inference is indeed indeterminate - which is why it is consistent with nonstandard meanings - making it determinate presupposes the constraints that the inference is supposed to produce.     

Do the mentally retarded have poor memory?

The hypothesis that mentally retarded persons have a short-term memory deficit whixh is due to inadequate rehearsal strategies is reexamined. A reevaluation of results of a number of experiments suggests that normal and retarded persons differ on short-term memory tasks, and the superiority of normals is present from the time of initial stimulus exposure. While some evidence for slope differences in retention curves is found in a few tasks, it is not strong support for memory differences. The hypothesis that “memory” differences are due to differential encoding as a result of more adequate rehearsal by the normal subjects is unacceptable. If this were the case, some differences in slope of retention curves could be expected unless rehearsal beyond the encoding stage was totally precluded. The review points to a need for an empirical reevaluation of the issue with a full recognition that deficits in particular processes may characterize some retarded persons and not others.     

What Do the Theologically Educated Look Like?

What do the theologically educated look like? Nine outcomes of a theological education are suggested that respond to this question, outcomes particularly pertinent to the contemporary cultural setting and mission challenge of Western Europe. These outcomes are compared with the nine learning outcomes that the Church of England uses at the present time to assess candidates for ordained ministry. In the light of this comparison some broad recommendations are made for future emphases in theological education.     

Do IRBs Pass the Minimal Harm Test?

ABSTRACT— We describe examples of institutional review board (IRB) actions that have delayed or thwarted research that could not conceivably be considered to pose more than minimal risk to participants. We propose three changes to improve the IRB process and reduce both human and financial costs.     

Do alerting signals increase the size of the attentional focus?

Previous research has shown that the presentation of an auditory alerting signal before a visual target increases the interference from flanking distractors. Recently, it has been suggested that this increase in interference may be due to an expansion of the spatial focus of attention. In five experiments, this hypothesis was tested by using a probe technique dedicated to measuring variations in the size of the attentional focus: In the majority of trials, participants performed a letter discrimination task in which their attention was focused on a central target letter. In a randomly intermixed probe task, the size of the attentional focus was measured by letting participants respond to a probe occurring at varying positions. In all experiments, reaction time (RT) to the probe increased from the most central to more lateral probe positions. This V-shaped probe-RT function, however, was not flattened by the presentation of an alerting signal. Overall, this pattern of results is inconsistent with the hypothesis that alerting signals increase the attentional focus. Instead, it is consistent with nonspatial accounts that attribute the increase in interference to an alerting effect on perceptual processing, which then leads to a detrimental effect at the level of response selection.     

Ethical social justice: Do the ends justify the means?

This article offers an ethical decision‐making model, informed by community psychology values, as a means for guiding psychologists when engaging in social justice‐oriented work. The applicability of this model is demonstrated through a case analysis elucidating how America's psychologists individually and collectively arrived at the decision to endorse torture—ostensibly as a means for preventing terrorism. Critics have wondered how the American Psychological Association succumbed to these involvements, and how to prevent such ethical lapses in the future. Unfortunately, the American Psychological Association's ethical codes fail to provide explicit guidance for psychologists' involvement in social justice work that impacts communities and systems. To address this gap, we present a values‐driven, ethical decision‐making framework that may be used to guide psychologists' future practices. This framework infuses fundamental community psychology values (i.e., caring and compassion; health; self‐determination and participation, human diversity, social justice; and critical reflexivity) into a 9‐step model.