The effect of very brief exposure on experienced fear after in vivo exposure

Two experiments tested the effect of exposure to masked phobic stimuli at a very brief stimulus onset asynchrony on reducing the subjective experience of fear caused by in vivo exposure to a feared object. In the main experiment, 35 spider-fearful and 35 non-fearful participants were identified with a questionnaire and a Behavioural Avoidance Test (BAT) with a live tarantula. One week later, they were individually administered one of two continuous series of masked images: spiders or flowers. They engaged in the BAT again immediately thereafter. They provided ratings of subjective fear at the end of each BAT (pre- and post-manipulation). Very brief exposure to images of spiders reduced the fearful group's and not the non-fearful group's experience of fear at the end of the BAT. This effect was replicated with another sample of 26 spider-fearful participants from the same population. Theoretical implications are discussed.     

Selective exposure to self

Male undergraduates received either an accepting or unaccepting communication from a coed. Then each subject had the opportunity to listen to his own voice or the voice of another male, and it was found that preference for listening to one's own voice was higher among subjects who had received positive feedback from the coed. There was also evidence that this pattern of selective exposure is weakened when feedback is less impactful. The results were interpreted through a theory of objective self awareness.     

Long-lasting aftereffect of brief prism exposure

The aftereffect of 15 min of active adaptation to wedge prism displacement was shown to persist for as long as 2 weeks.     

A strong test of exposure effects

A strong test of exposure effects was made by eliminating confounding demand characteristics through the use of a between-subject design. Each subject viewed novel stimuli at a single frequency level, and then rated them on several affective scales. Frequency of stimulus exposure was systematically varied across subjects. Stimuli were rated more positively with increasing exposure, despite the fact that subjects were unaware of any differences in exposure frequencies, and clearly unable to identify the experimental hypothesis. An awareness of the relationship between repeated exposure and affect was thus shown to be an unnecessary condition for the occurrence of exposure effects.     

The mere exposure effect for consumer products as a consequence of existing familiarity and controlled exposure

The finding that repeated exposure to a stimulus enhances attitudes directed towards it is a well-established phenomenon. Despite this, the effects of exposure to products are difficult to determine given that they could have previously been exposed to participants any number of times. Furthermore, factors other than simple repeated exposure can influence affective evaluations for stimuli that are meaningful. In our first study, we examined the influence of existing familiarity with common objects and showed that the attractiveness of shapes representing common objects increases with their rated commonness. In our second study, we eliminated the effects of prior exposure by creating fictitious yet plausible products; thus, exposure frequency was under complete experimental control. We also manipulated the attention to be drawn to the products' designs by placing them in contexts where their visual appearance was stressed to be important versus contexts in which it was indicated that little attention had been paid to their design. Following mere exposure, attractiveness ratings increased linearly with exposure frequency, with the slope of the function being steeper for stimuli presented in an inconspicuous context—indicating that individuals engage in more deliberate processing of the stimuli when attention is drawn to their visual appearance.     

Recent exposure affects artifact naming

Deciding how to label an object depends both on beliefs about the culturally appropriate name and on memory. A label should be consistent with a language community's norms, but those norms can be used only if they can be retrieved. Two experiments are reported in which we tested the hypothesis that immediate prior exposure to familiar objects and their names affects how an ambiguous target object is named. Exposure to a typical instance of one name category was pitted against exposure to one or two instances from a contrasting category. When the contrast set consisted of a neighbor of the target, naming was usually consistent with the contrast category. This effect was reduced when a typical instance of the contrast category was also exposed. In Experiment 2, the exposure set was varied to include conditions in which either the neighbor or a prototypical instance was paired with an instance dissimilar to the target. The results suggest that all recently exposed objects affect name choice in proportion to their similarity to the target.     

First-trial adaptation to prism exposure

Terminal target-pointing error on the 1st trial of exposure to optical displacement is usually less than that expected from the optical displacement magnitude. Such 1st trial adaptation was confirmed in 2 experiments (N = 48 students in each) comparing pointing toward optically displaced targets and toward equivalent physically displaced targets (no optical displacement), with visual feedback delayed until movement completion. First-trial performance could not be explained by ordinary target undershoot, online correction, or reverse optic flow information about true target position and was unrelated to realignment aftereffects. Such adaptation might be an artifact of the asymmetry of the structured visual field produced by optical displacement, which induces a felt head rotation opposite to the direction of the displacement, thereby reducing the effective optical displacement.     

Cognitive costs of exposure to racial prejudice

This study examined how encountering racial prejudice affects cognitive functioning. We assessed performance on the Stroop task after subjects reviewed job files that suggested an evaluator had made nonprejudiced, ambiguously prejudiced, or blatantly prejudiced hiring recommendations. The cognitive impact of exposure to ambiguous versus blatant cues to prejudice depended on subjects' racial group. Black subjects experienced the greatest impairment when they saw ambiguous evidence of prejudice, whereas White subjects experienced the greatest impairment when they saw blatant evidence of prejudice. Given the often ambiguous nature of contemporary expressions of prejudice, these results have important implications for the performance of ethnic minorities across many domains.     

Modification of excessive drinking by cue exposure

The value of an individual case study depends to a large extent on the nature of the predictions which are tested. If, for example, behaviour is modified by a method which flies in the face of current theory and practice, then it is worth reporting, and if detailed predictions about day-to-day changes are confirmed, so much the better. This individual case study was designed to test the possibility that excessive drinking behaviour can be modified by prolonged exposure to drinking cues.Our approach is based on the hypothesis that addictive behaviour is analogous to discriminated operants. We are also making the assumption that drinking, in the alcoholic, is frequently reinforced through the avoidance of unpleasant consequences (e.g. an escalation in anxiety, frustration or withdrawal symptoms) and that these avoidance responses are discriminated since they are triggered only by certain cues.Avoidance learning has been investigated in humans and animals for at least 50 years but in recent years strong evidence has accumulated which suggests a particular modification procedure. First, it has now been demonstrated that, in animals, a very effective extinction procedure involves exposure to the discriminative stimulus (i.e. cue) whilst blocking the avoidance response (Baum, 1969). Second, psychologists have considered obsessive-compulsive rituals to be analogous to avoidance responses (Hodgson and Rachman, 1972). Compulsive gas-tap checking, for example, avoids both catastrophic events and also unpleasant emotional states. During the last ten years an effective method of modifying obsessive-compulsive rituals has been developed which involves exposure to significant cues followed by response prevention which is either supervised (Meyer, 1966) or self-imposed (Rachman et al., 1971; Hodgson et al., 1972). The same method has also been successful in the modification of compulsive masturbation (Hodgson and Rachman, 1975).     

Motivated aggressiveness perpetuated by exposure to aggressive films and reduced by exposure to nonaggressive films

Under conditions of both minimal and extreme initial provocation, the effect of exposure to neutral vs aggressive films on subsequent aggressive behavior was assessed relative to a no-exposure condition. Excitatory changes were also recorded. Under minimal provocation, communication conditions were found to have no differential effect on aggressive behavior. Under extreme provocation, relative to the no-exposure condition the neutral film significantly reduced subsequent aggression, whereas the aggressive film reduced it to an insignificant degree only. The excitatory changes observed in the extreme-provocation conditions coincided with these differences in aggressive behavior. The findings, obviously countercathartic, were interpreted as inconsistent with the proposition that filmed aggression elicits aggressive behavior. Bandura's reasoning on attentional shift was modified to account for the data. An alternative explanation was developed from considerations of the aggression-modifying effect of residual excitation.     

Predictors of violence exposure among inner-city youth

Examined the ability of demographic variables and risk factors (parental substance use, number of people in the home, out-of-home placements, grades repeated, arrest history, and total life stress) to predict exposure to community violence among 342 high school students from inner-city Baltimore referred for mental health care in community centers or in the schools. Over 90% of the sample knew at least 1 victim of a violent act, 77% reported witnessing a violent act, and 47% reported past victimization by violence. Risk variables were more powerful regression predictors of violence exposure than demographic characteristics such as race, sex, or clinical setting. Even after controlling for demographic differences in violence exposure, risk factors as a group accounted for another 10% to 15% of variance. Life stress was the most consistent predictor of violence exposure for this sample, and life stress was the only variable to make a significant unique contribution to the prediction of all 4 violence criteria.