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Emil Kraepelin's nosology has been reinvented, for better or worse. In the United States, the rise of the neo-Kraepelinian
nosology of DSM-III resuscitated Kraepelin's work but also differed from many of his ideas, especially his overtly biological
ontology. This neo-Kraepelinian system has led to concerns regarding overdiagnosis of psychiatric syndromes ("nosologomania")
and perhaps scientifically ill-founded psychopharmacological treatment for presumed neo-Kraepelinian syndromes. In the early
20th century, Karl Jaspers provided unique insights into Kraepelin's work, and Jaspers even proposed an alternate nosology which,
though influenced by Kraepelin, also introduced the concept of ideal types. Jaspers' critique of Kraepelin may help us reformulate
our current neo-Kraepelinian nosology for the better. 相似文献
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Bernard Flynn 《Continental Philosophy Review》2007,40(2):125-138
This article follows the development of Merleau-Ponty’s political philosophy from his 1947 text, Humanism and Terror, through a number of essays in the Adventures of the Dialectic, to the Preface to Signs published in 1959. It shows the process by which Merleau-Ponty escaped the “grip of marxism” as a philosophy of history.
It notes the link between his philosophy of history and the concrete historical events of his times, particularly the Russian
Revolution and its degeneration into Stalinism. It suggests a certain analogy between Merleau-Ponty’s reflection on the October
Revolution and Kant’s reflection on the French Revolution. The notion of the universal class of the proletariat is the guiding thread in the analyses of both Merleau-Ponty’s proximity to marxism and the process by which he frees himself
from its grip. We observe the role that this concept plays in Humanism and Terror and in the essays on Weber and Lukacs in the Adventure of the Dialectic where we eventually see its dissolution. It is argued that Merleau-Ponty arrives at a new conception of historical meaning
which is neither totalizing or empiricist. The paper concludes by presenting an outline of the direction that his philosophy
of history took after he extricated himself from marxism. This new philosophy took the form of a critical reflection on the
role of the “notion of the hero” in 20th century political philosophy in general, particularly in Heidegger and Sartre.
相似文献
Bernard FlynnEmail: |
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David Zaret 《Journal of the history of the behavioral sciences》1981,17(2):153-173
Critical accounts of the origins of sociology stress both continuity and change as they are related to previous styles of political and social thought. This article further extends these accounts. It analyzes substantive as well as formal continuities and changes in the transition from political to social conceptions of order. Both intellectual and societal factors are responsible for this theoretical transition. Explicitly political and social conceptions of order reflected two stages in the development of European society. But purely internal, intellectual factors, involving the refinement of empirical analysis, called into question political theories of society. Finally, the article makes explicit and defends the distinction between bourgeois and Marxist varieties of theoretical reflection with reference to the transition from political philosophy to social theory. 相似文献
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贺来 《Frontiers of Philosophy in China》2008,3(2):267-281
In order to deepen the studies on the philosophy of practice, it is essential to explore the political significance of Marx's
philosophy of practice. Marx's philosophy of practice is rooted in the problem of modernity and the separation between “individual
subjectivity” and “societal community” in the modern context is the basic background of Marx's practical philosophy. It is
the basic interest of Marx's philosophy of practice to find a way to end this separation via critique of civil society. Therefore,
Marx's philosophy of practice has a clear significance, which manifests in the following aspects: one is “liberation politics,”
and the other, “the regulatory mode of the socio-political institution.”
Translated by Zhang Lin from Zhexue Yanjiu 哲学研究 (Philosophical Research), 2007, (1): 3–10 相似文献
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Ẹniọlá Ànúolúwapọ́ Ṣóyẹmí 《The Philosophical forum》2022,53(3):187-194
There has been a strong impetus to set the definitional parameters of study in African political philosophy and theory. Many scholars advance the idea of a discipline intended to provide lessons that stem from “original” African moral, ideological, and political traditions. Often, these traditions and their ideas are presented as holding categorical moral substance in so far as they are seen to be specific to a culturally essentialist understanding of “Africa.” In turn, an influential part of the literature estimates the normative value of the intellectual ideas and arguments afforded by a varied historical, socio-cultural and economic African geography by the degree to which, in being tethered to a seemingly homogenous, “culturally African” influence, these ideas can be opposed to a “Western” equivalent. In this article, I argue that the effects on the discipline of attending to, and being defined by, this cultural essentialism are at best unclear, at worst detrimental. I aim to contribute to the side of those who advocate a universalist perspective to the study of African political philosophy and thought, and who argue for jettisoning an unhelpful dichotomy between “West” and “African,” in favour of a methodological, conceptual and historical specificity that allows the discipline to be truly useful to itself and to others. 相似文献
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Taking a panoramic view on the history of modern philosophy, we can learn that political philosophy, a new arena for modern
philosophy, has become an important field in philosophical studies since the later half of the 20th century. As far as the
problem domain of political philosophy is concerned, political philosophy is only a special form of philosophy. The revival
of political philosophy, however, indicates that philosophical inspection of political matters has regained legitimacy, and
also means the restaging of philosophy as a knowledge type at modern times. In one sense, we can view the newly-revived political
philosophy as typical modern philosophy, because its problem domain, its unique angle of looking into the life world and its
ideal concern about the actual world make it one of the best ways in which we can reflect the existence of mankind in modern
times.
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Translated from Zhexue Yanjiu 哲学研究 (Philosophical Studies), 2005 (6) by Teng Jianhui 相似文献
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