Long-term memory for pictures and sentences

Two experiments were conducted to examine the fan effect in recognition memory for pictures and sentences. Subjects in the first experiment memorized sets of pictures (N= 13) or sentences (N=13) in which the study items comprised concept combinations (e.g., the clock is on the television) that could be unambiguously depicted in each modality. The fan effect, contrasting study items involving unique- and shared-concepts combinations, was observed in the recognition reaction time data for sentences but not for pictures. Subjects in the second experiment (N= 17) memorized sets of pictures and sentences in which, in addition to the unique and shared intramodality conditions used in Experiment 1, subjects memorized items in each modality that shared concepts with items in the alternative modality. Although the fan effect was reduced for sentences in the second experiment, the intramodality results were qualitatively comparable to those obtained in Experiment 1. The results in the intermodality conditions indicated that, although pictorial study items influenced reaction time to sentences with which they shared a concept, the reverse was not the case. The results were thought to be inconsistent with the view that pictures and sentences enjoy a common representational format in long-term memory.     

Recognition memory for related pictures

This study presents a test of the notion of semantic integration of information m pictures. In Experiment 1. subjects were presented pictures which comprised various subsets of the elements in one of four standard pictures. In the test phase. recognition confidence tor old and new items was a direct function of the number of figures in the test picture. However. recognition confidence was significantly higher for old than for new pictures, contrary to predictions of the integration model of Bransford and Franks (1971). In Experiment 2, the differential predictions of the integration model and the tally model (Reitman & Bower, 19731 were tested. The information for a key standard picture was presented solely as ONEs during acquisition. For the other three standard pictures. information was presented as ONEs, TWOs, and THREEs. The results were that recognition confidence increased with complexity at the test item with regular items but decreased with increasing complexity with key items. Together. these experiments support the tally model and demonstrate the generalizabilitv of this model to handle pictorial materials. Implications regarding the nature of picture memory are also discussed.     

Aging and memory for pictures of faces

The hypothesis that pictorial aspects of face-recognition memory are lower in old age was tested in 2 studies. Young and elderly Ss viewed 48 face pictures, and then took a test containing identical copies of input faces, pictorially changed versions of input faces, and entirely new faces. Replicating prior findings, Experiment 1 showed that false recognitions of entirely new faces were higher among elderly Ss. However, there were no age differences in distinguishing identical from pictorially changed faces. Using a modified test, Experiment 2 showed that although the elderly Ss had good knowledge that changed faces were changed, they had relatively poor knowledge of how they were changed. There appears to be age differences in analytical matching of pictorial information against information in memory.     

Labeling effects on memory for nonsense pictures

It has been shown that labeling nonsense pictures improves memory for them, but how the label takes effect is uncertain. In this study subjects viewed nonsense pictures with or without labels; in the former case, the labels were either meaningful or nonmeaningful with respect to the pictures. Then the subjects took part in a free recall test, followed by recall in the presence of cues. Only the meaningful labels facilitated free recall of the pictures, but both types of labels facilitated cued recall. The results suggest that a meaningful label affects picture encoding by providing a conceptual interpretation for the picture; a nonmeaningful label, in contrast, appears to provide only an ad hoc associative cue.     

Sex differences in memory estimates for pictures and words

Memory performance estimates of men and women before and after a recall test were investigated. College students (17 men and 20 women), all juniors, participated in a memory task involving the recall of 80 stimuli (40 pictures and 40 words). Before and after the task they were asked to provide estimates of their pre- and postrecall performance. Although no sex differences were found for total correct recall, recall for pictures, and recall for words, or in the estimates of memory performance before the recall task, there were significant differences after the test: women underestimated their performance on the words and men underestimated their performance on the picture items.     

Measurement of trace strength in memory for pictures

Four experiments using a yes-no recognition task with snapshots examined (1) the effect of presenting not one but two items simultaneously, either both targets or both distractors, for a single judgment at a retention test trial; (2) the rate of forgetting; (3) the interaction between retention interval and the exposure duration at acquisition; (4) acquisition as a function of the number of times a picture was presented. In each case performance was assessed by calculating the discriminability index d'. The results supported the hypotheses that trace strength is lognormally distributed, that forgetting is exponential, and that in acquisition trace strength is a linear function of the number of presentations.     

Interactive visual imagery and memory search for words and pictures

In a short-term recognition memory experiment with words, subjects: (1) subvocally rehearsed the words, (2) generated a separate visual image for each word, (3) generated an interactive scene with such images, or (4) composed a covert sentence using the words in the memory set. Contrary to Seamon's (1972) results in a similar study, a serial memory search was found in all conditions, instead of the simultaneous scan which was expected when items were combined in interactive images. In a second study with pictures as stimuli, subjects who generated imaginal interactions between separate pictures, viewed interacting pictures, or viewed separate pictures also showed a serial search, i.e., longer RTs were obtained when more stimuli were held m memory. Since interactive imagery facilitated performance in an unexpected paired-associate task with memory set stimuli, one can argue that subjects actually processed or generated such interactions. It was suggested that memory search might not be simultaneous in tasks where the test stimulus constitutes only part of a memory image.     

Hypermnesia for pictures: Incremental memory for pictures but not words in multiple recall trials

Two studies are reported on multiple forced recall following a single visual presentation of a sequence of pictures or words. In both experiments, a hypermnesic memory function (in which performance improved with repeated recall) was obtained for pictures, while a flat, nonincremental function was obtained for words. Interpolation of intervals of thinking between recall trials further enhanced hypermnesia for pictorial items. Retrieval, whether overt (recall trials) or covert (thinking), apparently produces increased net recovery of pictures but not words.     

The robustness of false memory for emotional pictures

Emotional material is commonly reported to be more accurately recognised; however, there is substantial evidence of increased false alarm rates (FAR) for emotional material and several reports of stronger influences on response bias than accuracy. This pattern is more frequently reported for words than pictures. Research on the mechanisms underlying bias differences has mostly focused on word lists under short retention intervals. This article presents four series of experiments examining recognition memory for emotional pictures while varying arousal and the control over the content of the pictures at two retention intervals, and one study measuring the relatedness of the series picture sets. Under the shorter retention interval, emotion increased false alarms and reduced accuracy. Under the longer retention interval emotion increased hit rates and FAR, resulting in reduced accuracy and/or bias. At both retention intervals, the pattern of valence effects differed based on the arousal associated with the picture sets. Emotional pictures were found to be more related than neutral pictures in each set; however, the influence of relatedness alone does not provide an adequate explanation for all emotional differences. The results demonstrate substantial emotional differences in picture recognition that vary based on valence, arousal and retention interval.     

Visual recognition memory for large and small binary pictures.

Recognition memory for pictures was tested using matrices of 0s and 1s as stimuli in two experiments. In the first experiment dimensionality of matrices was varied (5 X 5 and 10 X 10 matrices). The results showed better recognition memory for 10 X 10 matrices. The second experiment investigated the importance of certain areas, such as center or surround, using 10 X 10 matrices only. The results suggested that neither center nor surround is given unusual weight.     

Visual recognition memory for binary pictures: another look

Recognition memory for matrices of 0s and 1s was examined as a function of the number of elements (complexity) and density of those elements within the matrix. It was found that with greater density and lesser complexity, recognition performance improved. This result contradicts an earlier finding of Green and Purohit, who concluded that the more complicated matrices led to better performance. The present study suggests that their conclusion was erroneous and stemmed from failure to control the physical parameters of density and number of elements in the matrix. Implications for the general problem of recognition memory and eye movements are discussed.     

The effects of humor on memory for non-sensical pictures

Two experiments investigated the effects of humor on memory for non-sensical pictures. Each picture was given three labels that differed in the degree of humor: high, low, and no humor labels. In Experiment 1, the humor of the picture labels was manipulated between participants. Participants were shown 30 pictures for 10 s each and were asked to rate the degree of humor of each picture. After the rating task, participants were asked to draw the pictures in an unexpected memory test. Performance in the memory test was best in the high humor label group, followed by the low and the no humor label groups. In Experiment 2, intention to learn (incidental versus intentional encoding tasks) as well as humor label was manipulated between the participants. In the incidental learning condition, the high humor group performed better than the low humor group, but in the intentional learning condition, there was no humor effect. The effects of humor on picture memory were discussed in terms of appraisal processing within a distinctiveness framework.     

Evidence for perceptual learning in pigeons' recognition memory for pictures

In two experiments, pigeons were trained on a recognition memory task, which required them to refrain from responding to a picture seen earlier that day. They learned this discrimination without detectable reliance on cues relating to the sequence of positive and negative trials. In both experiments, performance was significantly better when the same restricted set of stimuli was used each day than when an entirely novel set of stimuli was used each day, and in the former case there was less evidence of any significant decline in performance with increases in the interval between first and second presentations of a stimulus. The results suggest a powerful perceptual learning effect.     

Long-term memory for 400 pictures on a common theme

Long-term memory for large numbers of color photographs with a common motif--doors--was studied using pictures with two levels of informative cues: original photographs, and edited pictures in which extraneous information on details such as vegetation, paint scratches, signs, and lamp posts was removed. In the study phase, subjects viewed 400 pictures and were subsequently tested for memory on two-alternative forced-choice discriminations between studied and distracter pictures from the same picture category, at retention intervals between 0.5 h and 9 days. When tested with the nonedited original photographs immediate memory performance was close to 85% correct; when pictorial details were removed memory performance dropped by 20%. The decay functions were shallow with parallel paths for the categories of pictures. It is concluded that specific details of visual scenes contributed to long-term memory of those scenes.     

Individual differences and memory for faces,pictures, and words

People who had performed exceptionally well or badly on facial recognition tests between 1 and 4 years previously were given three recognition tasks, one involving faces, one involving paintings, and a third using visually presented words. Those selected as good recognizers were better on the recognition of faces and paintings, but they did not differ in verbal memory. This result suggests that people who are particularly good at facial recognition have a generally good visual memory that is separate from verbal memory.     

The role of age on reactivity and memory for emotional pictures

The purpose of this study was to investigate subjects' reactivity to emotional pictures and their recollection of these pictures, and to examine these two factors as they relate to age. Adolescents and young adults were shown emotionally arousing scenic pictures for long (4-s) and very brief (50-ms) durations. Recognition of the pictures and recall and recognition of words presented along with the pictures were assessed both immediately after the presentation and six weeks later. The results showed that very negative pictures are retained better than neutral or even positive pictures, and that very negative pictures reduce memory for associated information. It was also found that adolescents show a somewhat lower reactivity to very negative pictures and a higher degree of retention of these pictures than adults. The results are discussed in relation to (a) habituation effects, (b) strategies that subjects might develop to block emotional involvement, and (c) the notion that watching violence might serve as a powerful prime to socially undesirable behaviour.     

Enhanced memory for negatively emotionally charged pictures without selective rumination

Emotionally charged materials have been found to elicit higher levels of recall in many studies. However, the use of slow presentations and/or uncontrolled retention intervals may have allowed subjects to rehearse emotional materials preferentially. The authors presented a series of 5 pictures (1 emotionally charged) at a rate of 4 pictures per second, precluding selective rehearsal. In Experiment 1, subjects recalled the pictures immediately or after performing an arithmetic task for 20 s. In Experiment 2, the pictures were described as to-be-ignored distractors, and the memory test was unexpected. Stimulus emotionality greatly enhanced recall in all conditions. The speed of the presentations and the fact that enhancement did not spread to temporally adjacent items argues against some widely discussed mechanisms for emotional enhancement.