Event-related potentials in phonological matching tasks

Two experiments investigated Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) in matching tasks. In Experiment 1 subjects judged, in separate conditions, whether two words rhymed or were written in the same case. The CNV developing between the two words was larger in the latter task compared to the former at the right temporal site. In the rhyme judgment task, an increased late negativity differentiated the ERPs to nonrhyming words from those that rhymed with the previously presented word. This difference was maximal at the midline and over the right hemisphere. Experiment 2 further investigated ERPs in the rhyme judgment task, increasing memory demands with an extended interstimulus interval (ISI) and varying the number of items subjects had to hold in memory during this period (one vs. three). Irrespective of memory load, CNVs during the ISI were more negative from the left hemisphere, and the ERPs to the rhyming and nonrhyming words showed the same differences as in Experiment 1. The CNV asymmetries are interpreted as being associated with the engagement of lateralized short-term memory processes. The rhyme/nonrhyme differences are possibly related to the “N400” component elicited by semantically incongruous words. Possible reasons for their scalp distribution are discussed.     

List context effects on masked phonological priming in the lexical decision task

A lexical decision experiment tested the effects of briefly presented masked primes that were homophones or pseudohomophones of target words. Different types of nonword foil (pseudohomophones, orthographically regular nonwords, orthographically irregular nonwords) were mixed with the word targets. Pseudohomophone priming effects were independent of nonword foil variations, whereas homophone priming effects varied from being facilitatory in the presence of orthographically regular nonwords, inhibitory in the presence of pseudohomophones, and null in the presence of irregular nonwords. This dissociation in the way nonword foil variations influence masked pseudohomophone and homophone priming effects in the lexical decision task is discussed within the framework of a bimodal extension of the multiple readout model of visual word recognition (Grainger & Jacobs, 1996).     

ERPs and morphological processing: the N400 and semantic composition

Both behavioral and electrophysiological evidence suggests that fluent readers decompose morphologically complex words into their constituent parts. Previous event-related potential (ERP) research has been equivocal with regard to whether the N400 component indexes morphological decomposition or the integration of the products of decomposition, a process called semantic composition. In a visual lexical decision task with college students, we recorded ERPs to a well-controlled set of words and nonwords made up of bound morphemes (discern, predict; disject, percern) or free morphemes (cobweb, earring; cobline, bobweb) and monomorphemic control words and nonwords (garlic, minnow; gartus, buzlic). For each of the three morphological types, participants were faster to respond to words than to nonwords. Furthermore, for each of the three morphological types, the amplitude of the N400 was more negative to nonwords than to matched words, an effect indicating that the N400 is more sensitive to the lexicality of the whole stimulus than to the meaningfulness of the constituent parts of the stimulus. The N400 lexicality effect was not significantly different across the three morphological types. To our knowledge, this is the first ERP study to directly compare the processing of printed sets of words composed of bound and free morphemes and monomorphemic control stimuli in order to explore the relative sensitivity of the N400 to morphological decomposition (i.e., the status of the parts) and semantic composition (i.e., the status of the whole). Our findings are consistent with an interpretation of the N400 as an index of a process of semantic composition.     

What does rapid automatized naming measure? A new RAN task compared to naming and lexical decision

The present research investigated the relationship between Rapid Automatized Naming (RAN) performance, letter-string reading measures of sight vocabulary (SV) and phonetic decoding (PD), and lexical decision. Criterion-based naming rates were obtained from three types of RAN tasks: digits, letters, and letter sounds. Latency measures were obtained from the naming of regular words, exception words, nonwords and pseudohomophones; as well as button press and verbal lexical decision tasks. Regression analyses supported the hypotheses that RAN-Letters latency reflects SV processing in that its variance is uniquely accounted for by exception word naming latency and button press lexical decision latency, and that RAN-Letter Sounds latency best reflects PD processing in that its variance is uniquely accounted for by pseudohomophone and nonword naming latency. Findings are discussed in light of what the RAN tasks are measuring, implications involving visual word recognition models of reading, and the utility of the new RAN-Letter Sounds task with respect to diagnostic and remediation applications.     

Is dependence on phonological information in children's reading a product of instructional approach?

Eight-year-old British children were found to be less accurate at rejecting pseudohomophones than ordinary nonwords in a lexical decision task, but 8-year-old New Zealand children did not show this effect. A subsequent homophone decision task showed that this difference was not due to the New Zealand children being unable to distinguish pseudohomophones from other nonwords. The New Zealand children, however, were less accurate than the British children in pronouncing the pseudohomophones they had identified. It was argued that the British children tended to sound out the items before making a choice in the lexical decision task, which gave salience to phonological rather than visual information, resulting in increased errors to the pseudohomophones. It was concluded that where the British children showed this dependency on use of phonological information it was a product of the teaching approach they had experienced.     

Stage analysis of the reaction process using brain-evoked potentials and reaction time

Summary Motor processes partly determine reaction time (RT) in both choice reaction time and in binary classification tasks. These latter tasks are popular in cognitive psychology because the experimenter believes that he has kept the motor component simple and constant and therefore can attribute changes in RT to perceptual or cognitive processes. In this paper we used the P3 component of the event-related potential (ERP) as a time marker indicating the duration of perceptual and cognitive processes. The latency of this component is believed to reflect stimulus evaluation time independent of response selection and organization time.Two types of tasks were used: a choice-reaction time task and a binary classification task. Signal similarity and S-R compatibility additively affected RT, but only signal similarity affected P3 latency. The number of items in the positive set and response type affected both P3 latency and RT. Relative response frequency changed the bias in the cognitive evaluation of the stimulus, reflected in the latency of the P3 component, and affected RT only if the subjects preset their motor system (indexed by the late CNV). A model was presented which proposes that motor processes may partially overlap with the perceptual and cognitive evaluation of the stimulus. Both ERPs and RT are necessary tools in the study of the relative timing of these processes.     

Auditory event related potentials during lexical categorization in the oddball paradigm.

Event related potentials (ERPs) and reaction times (RTs) were recorded from 18 subjects, performing lexical categorization of words and nonwords. Three sets of monosyllable utterances, differentiated in semantic and rhyming attributes, were presented using the "oddball paradigm." ERPs included a sustained negativity which began approximately 100 msec after stimulus onset and peaked at approximately 400 mses (SN4) poststimulus, in response to target as well as to nontarget word stimuli. Semantic effects on SN4 latency were observed only for target utterances. Nonmeaningful word targets were associated with longer SN4 peak latencies as well as slower RTs compared to meaningful word targets. It is suggested that these longer latencies are due to a longer time required for an exhaustive search in permanent memory before categorizing a stimulus as a nonmeaningful word.     

Reading aloud: spelling-sound translation uses central attention

Contrary to the received view that reading aloud reflects processes that are "automatic," recent evidence suggests that some of these processes require a form of attention. This issue was investigated further by examining the effect of a prior presentation of exception words (words whose spelling-sound translation are atypical, such as pint as compared with mint, hint, or lint) and pseudohomophones (nonwords that sound identical to words, such as brane from brain) on reading aloud in the context of the psychological refractory period paradigm. For exception words, the joint effects of repetition and stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) yielded an underadditive interaction on the time to read aloud, replicating previous work -- a short SOA between Task 1 and Task 2 increased reaction time (RT) and reduced the magnitude of the repetition effect relative to the long SOA. For pseudohomophones, in contrast, the joint effects of repetition and SOA were additive on RT. These results provide converging evidence for the conclusion that (a) processing up to and including the orthographic input lexicon does not require central attention when reading aloud, whereas (b) translating lexical and sublexical spelling to sound requires the use of central attention.     

Diagnostics of phonological lexical processing: pseudohomophone naming advantages,disadvantages, and base-word frequency effects

Phonological lexical access has been investigated by examining both a pseudohomophone (e.g., brane) base-word frequency effect and a pseudohomophone advantage over pronounceable nonwords (e.g., frane) in a single mixed block of naming trials. With a new set of pseudohomophones and non-words presented in a mixed block, we replicated the standard finding in the naming literature: no reliable base-word frequency effect, and apseudohomophone advantage. However, for this and two of three other sets of stimuli--those of McCann and Besner (1987), Seidenberg, Petersen, MacDonald, and Plaut (1996), and Herdman, LeFevre, and Greenham (1996), respectively--reliable effects of base-word frequency on pseudohomophone naming latency were found when pseudohomophones were presented in pure blocks prior to nonwords. Three of the four stimulus sets tested produced a pseudohomophone naming disadvantage when pseudohomophones were presented prior to nonwords. When nonwords were presented first, these effects were diminished. A strategy-based scaling account of the data is argued to provide a better explanation of the data than is the criterion-homogenization theory (Lupker, Brown, & Colombo, 1997).     

语义距离半球效应的ERP研究

以通过视觉通路呈现的汉语双字词为实验材料,操纵启动词与目标词的语义距离。在词汇决定实验中记录ERP,发现：（1）除N300外,P240亦对语义距离敏感,它可能是一种与语义加工有关的新的ERP成分;（2）P240在头皮中央偏左的部位较早出现,但在头皮右侧波幅较大;（3）N300和P240都不存在语义距离的半球效应,该结果没有证实右脑更专擅远距离语义加工的假设,表明使用汉语与使用拼音文字的脑机制存在差异。     

Event-related brain potentials dissociate repetition effects of high-and low-frequency words

Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded while subjects detected nonwords interspersed among sequences of words of high or low frequency of occurrence. In Phase 1, a proportion of the words were repeated after six intervening items. In Phase 2, which followed after a break of approximately 15 min, the words were either repeats of items presented in the previous phase or new. Unrepeated low-frequency words evoked larger N400 components than did high-frequency items. In Phase 1, this effect interacted with repetition, such that no frequency effects were observed on N400s evoked by repeated words. In addition, the post-500-msec latency region of the ERPs exhibited a substantial repetition effect for low-frequency words, but did not differentiate unrepeated and repeated high-frequency words. In Phase 2, ERPs evoked by "old" and "new" high-frequency words did not differ in any latency region, while those evoked by old and new low-frequency words differed only after 500 msec. The interactive effects of frequency and repetition suggest that these variables act jointly at multiple loci during the processing of a word. The specificity of the post-500-msec repetition effect for low-frequency words may reflect a process responsive to a discrepancy between words' intra and extraexperimental familiarity.     

Strategic reliance on phonological mediation in lexical access

The present study investigated strategic variation in reliance on phonological mediation in visual word recognition. In Experiment 1, semantically related or unrelated word primes preceded word, pseudohomophone (e.g.,trane), or nonpseudohomophone (e.g.,trank) targets in a lexical decision task. Semantic priming effects were found for words, and response latencies to pseudohomophones were longer in related than in unrelated prime conditions. In Experiment 2, related or unrelated word primes preceded word or pseudohomophone targets. A relatedness effect was found for words, although it was significant at a 600-msec prime-target stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) and not at a 200-msec SOA. There was no relatedness effect for pseudohomophones. Experiment 3 was a replication of Experiment 2, except that pseudohomophones were replaced by nonpseudohomophonic orthographic controls. Facilitation effects for related target words were greater in Experiment 3 than in Experiment 2. The results reflect apparent variations in the expectation that a related prime reliably indicates that a target is a word. Although reliance on phonological mediation might be strategically contingent, there could be a brief time period in which phonologically mediated lexical access occurs automatically. Whether phonological information is maintained or suppressed subsequently depends on its overall usefulness for the task.     

The temporal selectivity of additive factor effects on the reaction process revealed in ERP component latencies

An experiment was conducted to relate individual components of the event-related brain potential to specific stages of information processing in a two-choice reaction time (RT) task in a group of undergraduate students. Specifically, the latency of the P300 component and the lateralized readiness potential (LRP) were studied as a function of variations in stimulus degradation and response complexity. It was hypothesized that degrading the stimulus would delay the P300 and LRP to the same extent as RT, and that increasing response complexity would affect RT but not P300 latency. The extant literature did not permit any hypothesis regarding the effect of response complexity on LRP latency. The two task variables were found to have additive effects on RT. As predicted, variations in stimulus degradation influenced the latencies of both components, whereas alterations in response complexity had no effect on P300 latency. A significant new finding was that the onset latency of the LRP remained unchanged across levels of response complexity. The overall pattern of results supports the notion of temporal selectivity of stage manipulations that is derived from discrete stage models of human information processing. Furthermore, these results refine the functional interpretation of the LRP by indicating that within the conceptual framework of a stage model the processes this component indexes succeed the start of response choice but precede the start of motor programming.     

Nonword naming: further exploration of the pseudohomophone effect in terms of orthographic neighborhood size, graphemic changes, spelling-sound consistency, and reader accuracy.

Five experiments examined nonword pronunciation. As reported by McCann and Besner (1987), accurate, regular pronunciations increased as the number of orthographic neighbors (N) increased. Adults read pseudohomophones (nonwords that sound like a word) more accurately than other nonwords only when the nonwords were low n, shared the consonants with the words on which they were based, and overall accuracy was lower. Children showed a pseudohomophone advantage even when N was high. Adults pronounced nonwords comprised of inconsistent endings (with existing regular and irregular pronunciations) in an irregular fashion when this resulted in a word; this applied to relatively high-N items.     

Lexicality and stimulus length effects in Italian dyslexics: role of the overadditivity effect.

The effect of lexicality and stimulus length was studied in 32 third- and fourth-grade Italian dyslexics and in 86 age-matched controls. A visual lexical decision task was used. As proposed by Faust et al. (1999), the results were analyzed in terms of raw reaction time (RT) data and using the z-score transformation to control for the presence of overadditivity effects. In terms of RTs, dyslexics showed a larger difference between words and nonwords (lexicality effect) and between short and long stimuli (length effect) than proficient readers. When data were transformed into z scores, only the group by length interaction remained significant while that with lexicality vanished. This pattern indicates that stimulus length has a specific role in Italian dyslexics' reading deficit; in contrast, slowness in responding to nonwords was not specific but was interpreted as one aspect of dyslexics' general inability to deal with alphabetical material (overadditivity effect).     

Not all ambiguous words are created equal: An EEG investigation of homonymy and polysemy

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were used to investigate the time-course of meaning activation of different types of ambiguous words. Unbalanced homonymous ("pen"), balanced homonymous ("panel"), metaphorically polysemous ("lip"), and metonymically polysemous words ("rabbit") were used in a visual single-word priming delayed lexical decision task. The theoretical distinction between homonymy and polysemy was reflected in the N400 component. Homonymous words (balanced and unbalanced) showed effects of dominance/frequency with reduced N400 effects predominantly observed for dominant meanings. Polysemous words (metaphors and metonymies) showed effects of core meaning representation with both dominant and subordinate meanings showing reduced N400 effects. Furthermore, the division within polysemy, into metaphor and metonymy, was supported. Differences emerged in meaning activation patterns with the subordinate meanings of metaphor inducing differentially reduced N400 effects moving from left hemisphere electrode sites to right hemisphere electrode sites, potentially suggesting increased involvement of the right hemisphere in the processing of figurative meaning.     

Lexical decisions in the right and left cerebral hemispheres

Subjects performed a lexical decision task in which letter-strings were presented unilaterally and tachistoscopically to the right and left visual fields. Four types of letter-strings were used: high frequency words, low frequency words, pronounceable nonwords, and unpronounceable nonwords. Measures of reaction time and error rate both showed a right visual field advantage for both classes of words and no difference between the hemispheres for either class of nonword. It was concluded that meaning is a more salient parameter of wordness than is pronounceability. Possible mechanisms for processing words presented to the left visual field were discussed.     

Cross-modal repetition priming of heterographic homophones

In two cross-modal priming experiments in French, we investigated the effects of auditorily presented heterographic homophones (an English example is /meId/) on the subsequent visual recognition of the dominant (MADE) and subordinate (MAID) printed forms. When only pronounceable, regular nonwords were used as distractor items in the lexical decision task, both dominant and subordinate forms were facilitated by the homophone prime relative to an unrelated word prime. When pseudohomophones were added among the nonword distractors, dominant targets continued to show facilitation while subordinate targets showed an inhibitory trend. These results provide evidence for inhibition-based selection in the processing of ambiguous words in the absence of any biasing context.     

Modulations of sensory-evoked brain potentials indicate changes in perceptual processing during visual-spatial priming.

Reaction time (RT) differences to visual stimuli as a function of expectancy have been attributed to changes in perceptual processing or entirely to shifts in decision and response criteria. To help distinguish between these competing interpretations, event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded to lateralized flashes delivered to visual field locations precued by a central arrow (valid stimuli) or not precued (invalid stimuli). Validly cued stimuli in both simple and choice RT tasks elicited consistent amplitude enhancements of the early, sensory-evoked PI component of the ERP recorded at scalp sites overlying lateral prestriate visual cortex (90-130 ms poststimulus). In contrast, the subsequent N1 component (150-200 ms) was enhanced by validly cued stimuli in the choice RT task condition only. These electrophysiological findings support models proposing that the behavioral effects of precuing expected target locations are due, at least in part, to changes in sensory-perceptual processing. Furthermore, these data provide specific information regarding the neural mechanisms underlying such effects.     

Sequential dependencies in the lexical decision task

Two experiments addressed whether response latency in a trial of the lexical decision task is independent of the lexical status of the item presented in the previous trial. In Exp. 1, it was found that both word and nonword responses were significantly slower when the previous trial had involved a nonword than when it had involved a word. In Exp. 2, which employed a different list composition, it was found that responses to nonwords and pseudohomophones were significantly slower when the previous trial had involved a nonword or a pseudohomophone than when it had involved a word. However, responses to words were not influenced by the nature of the previous trial. We concluded that sequential dependencies exist across consecutive trials in the lexical decision task even when there is no semantic, morphological, phonological, or orthographic relationship between the items presented during those trials.