Letter visibility and word recognition: The optimal viewing position in printed words

It has repeatedly been shown that the time and accuracy of recognizing a word depend strongly on where in the word the eye is fixating. Word-recognition performance is maximal when the eye fixates a region near the word’s center, and decreases to both sides of this “optimal viewing position.” The reason for this phenomenon is assumed to be the strong drop-off of visual acuity: the visibility of letters decreases with increasing eccentricity from fixation location. Consequently, fewer letters can be identified when the beginning or ending of a word is fixated than when its center is fixated. The present study is a test of this visual acuity hypothesis. If the phenomenon is caused by letter visibility, then it should be sensitive to variations of visual conditions in which the letters are presented. By increasing the interletter distances of the word(e.g.,a_t_t_e_m_ p_ t), letter visibility was decreased. As expected from our hypothesis, the viewing-position effect became more exaggerated. An additional experiment showed that destroying word-shape information (e.g., aTtEmPt) decreased overall word-recognition performance but had no influence on the viewingposition effect. Varying the viewing position in words might thus be used as a paradigm, allowing one to separate out the contribution of letter information and supraletter information to word recognition.     

Letter visibility and word recognition: the optimal viewing position in printed words.

It has repeatedly been shown that the time and accuracy of recognizing a word depend strongly on where in the word the eye is fixating. Word-recognition performance is maximal when the eye fixates a region near the word's center, and decreases to both sides of this "optimal viewing position." The reason for this phenomenon is assumed to be the strong drop-off of visual acuity: the visibility of letters decreases with increasing eccentricity from fixation location. Consequently, fewer letters can be identified when the beginning or ending of a word is fixated than when its center is fixated. The present study is a test of this visual acuity hypothesis. If the phenomenon is caused by letter visibility, then it should be sensitive to variations of visual conditions in which the letters are presented. By increasing the interletter distances of the word (e.g., a_t_t_e_m_p_t), letter visibility was decreased. As expected from our hypothesis, the viewing-position effect became more exaggerated. An additional experiment showed that destroying word-shape information (e.g., aTtEmPt) decreased overall word-recognition performance but had no influence on the viewing-position effect. Varying the viewing position in words might thus be used as a paradigm, allowing one to separate out the contribution of letter information and supraletter information to word recognition.     

Effects of increased letter spacing on word identification and eye guidance during reading

The effect of increasing the space between the letters in words on eye movements during reading was investigated under various word-spacing conditions. Participants read sentences that included a high- or low-frequency target word, letters were displayed normally or with an additional space between adjacent letters, and one, two, or three spaces were present between each word. The spacing manipulations were found to modulate the effect of word frequency on the number and duration of fixations on target words, indicating, more specifically, that letter spacing affected actual word identification under various word-spacing conditions. In addition, whereas initial fixations landed at the preferred viewing position (i.e., to the left of a word’s center) for sentences presented normally, landing positions were nearer the beginnings of words when letter spacing was increased, and even nearer the beginnings of words when word boundary information was lacking. Findings are discussed in terms of the influence of textual spacing on eye movement control.     

A test of the Sophisticated Guessing Theory of word perception

Under difficult viewing conditions, a letter in a familiar word can be perceived more accurately than the same letter alone or in a string of unrelated letters. Sophisticated Guessing Theory asserts that perception is more accurate when a letter appears in a word because its identity is constrained by the identity of neighboring context letters. Experiment 1 tested the following prediction: A letter in a word should be perceived more accurately in strongly constraining word contexts than in weakly constraining word contexts. No such trend was found using a number of different measures of contextual constraint and perceptual accuracy. Experiment 2 verified that, with the same conditions used in Experiment 1 to test Sophisticated Guessing Theory, a strong perceptual advantage could be obtained for letters in words vs. letters alone or in unrelated-letter strings. Several alternative theories of word perception are discussed. The most attractive asserts that for words an additional higher-level perceptual code is formed that is more resistant to degradation than the code formed for letters.     

Is the optimal viewing position in reading influenced by familiarity of the letter string?

An optimal viewing position (OVP) for word recognition has been proposed by several authors. The location of this position would be located at the center of the word or just left of it. Several hypotheses ranging from perceptual to hemispheric factors have been proposed to explain this phenomenon. In the experiment presented here, the effect of the nature of the stimulus was tested: word, pseudo-word, or nonword on the existence and location of this position. Little research has investigated this issue. Five-letter words, pseudo-words, and non-words were presented, with the subject fixating initially on one of the five possible letter positions. The number of letters correctly identified and reading performance were recorded for each stimulus. Results show that an initial fixation on the third letter entails better letter identification for all kinds of stimuli. However, in terms of reading, only word reading benefit from a fixation on the third letter. These results are discussed in relation to the different hypotheses of OVP in reading. These are (1) hemispheric specialization, (2) reading habits, and (3) lexical constraints.     

Representation of letter position in spelling: Evidence from acquired dysgraphia

The graphemic representations that underlie spelling performance must encode not only the identities of the letters in a word, but also the positions of the letters. This study investigates how letter position information is represented. We present evidence from two dysgraphic individuals, CM and LSS, who perseverate letters when spelling: that is, letters from previous spelling responses intrude into subsequent responses. The perseverated letters appear more often than expected by chance in the same position in the previous and subsequent responses. We used these errors to address the question of how letter position is represented in spelling. In a series of analyses we determined how often the perseveration errors produced maintain position as defined by a number of alternative theories of letter position encoding proposed in the literature. The analyses provide strong evidence that the grapheme representations used in spelling encode letter position such that position is represented in a graded manner based on distance from both-edges of the word.     

Part-whole relationships in the processing of small visual patterns

Subjects seem to react to a word faster than they react to a letter within a word. One interpretation is that words are processed holistically; another is that all visual stimuli are processed in terms of components, but that more stimulus information is available for use when the targets are words than when they are letters within words. The results of three experiments indicate that the word or pattern-level advantage occurs even when the stimulus information in the two situations is equated, but if the perceptual arrays cannot be unitized (e.g., consonant sequences), a pattern-level advantage does not occur. In addition, the experiments provide substantial evidence to indicate that if letter arrays cannot be unitized, then they are processed on a componentby-component basis, rather than holistically. Finally, the appropriate definition ofholistic processing is considered.     

The word-superiority effect and phonological recoding

Previous work indicates that the locus of the word-superiority effect in letter detection is nonvisual and that letter names, but not letter shapes, are more accessible in words than in nonwords, that is, scrambled collections of letters (e.g., Krueger & Shapiro, 1979; Krueger & Stadtlander, 1991; Massaro, 1979). The nonvisual (verbal or lexical) coding may be phonological, or it may be more abstract. In the present study, a word advantage in the speed of letter detection was found even when the target letter was silent in the six-letter test word (e.g., s in island). Other test words varied in their frequency of occurrence in English and number of syllables (1, 2, or 3). The word advantage was larger for higher frequency words but was not affected by syllable length. The presence of unpronounceable nonwords and silent letters in the words discouraged reliance upon the phonological code but did not thereby eliminate the word advantage. Thus, the word-superiority effect with free viewing is not based entirely upon phonological recoding.     

Letter form as a constraint for errors in neglect dyslexia and letter position dyslexia

Does letter-form constrain errors in peripheral dyslexia? In Hebrew, 5 of the 22 letters have two different letter forms, one is used only when the letter occurs in word-final position, the other form is used in initial and middle positions. Is the information on final-forms encoded in the letter identity information and used for word identification, or is it discarded? The current research explored this question through the effect of final vs. non final letter form on the error pattern in neglect dyslexia (neglexia) and letter position dyslexia (LPD). Left word-based neglexia results in errors of omission, substitution and addition of letters in the left side of words, which in Hebrew is the end of the word. We examined whether final letter form blocks the addition of letters to the end of the word and whether omissions of letters after letters in non-final form are avoided. The predominant error type in LPD is migration of letters within words. We tested whether migrations also occur when they cause form change of either final-form letters that move to middle position or middle-form letters that move to final position. These questions were assessed in both acquired and developmental neglexia and LPD. The results indicated a strong effect of final letter-form on acquired neglexia and on acquired and developmental LPD, which almost completely prevented form-changing errors. This effect was not found in developmental neglexia, where words that end in final-form letters were actually more impaired than other words, probably because final-form letters appear only on the neglected side of the word for Hebrew-reading children with left developmental neglexia. These data show that early visuo-orthographic analysis is sensitive to final letter form and that final letter form constrains errors in peripheral dyslexia.     

On the role of refixations in letter strings: the influence of oculomotor factors

Recent studies of reading and word recognition have shown that eye-movement behavior depends strongly on the position in the word that the eye first fixates; the probability of refixating in a word is lowest with the eye near the middle of the word, and it increases as the eye fixates to either side. It has generally been assumed that the cause for this optimal landing position phenomenon lies in the very strong drop-off of visual acuity even within the fovea; refixation should be more likely when the eye starts from a noncentral position, because here less information can be extracted during one fixation. It may, however, be the case that the phenomenon is caused not by acuity drop-off, but by differences in within-word oculomotor scanning tactics as a function of the position that the eye initially fixates. To test this, in the present experiment we kept visual information constant while we varied the initial fixation position. We used homogeneous strings of letters of different length. One letter in each string was different from the rest (e.g., kkkkkok), and this was the letter that the subject initially fixated. This target letter had to be identified before saccading to a comparison string. The position of the target letter in the string was varied from trial to trial. If, owing to acuity limitations, refixations reflect insufficient information extraction, then, because the target letter is always directly fixated, the pattern of refixations in this condition should be independent of the first fixation position. However, the obtained refixation probability showed a strong dependence on the position of first fixation. The number of refixations was independent of the absolute length of the letter strings, but it seemed to be influenced by the proportion of the string over which the eye had to pass. The larger this proportion, the higher the probability of refixation. The results suggest that to a certain extent refixations in letter strings (or words) reflect properties of the oculomotor system rather than visual information extraction.     

The availability of useful information to the right of fixation in reading

A series of experiments that examined the characteristics of useful information to the right of fixation during reading is reported. In Experiments 1 and 2, reading performance when the information available to the right of fixation was determined by a fixed number of letters was compared with reading performance when the information to the right of fixation was determined by a fixed number of words. Beyond making more letters visible, both experiments showed that preserving all of the letters of a word was of no special benefit to reading. By explicitly presenting parts of the word to the right of fixation as well as the fixated word, Experiments 3 and 4 followed up on the implication that readers utilize partial letter information from words. Both experiments showed that reading was improved by this partial information and that preserving three letters of the word to the right of fixation improved reading almost as much as presenting the entire word. The implications the results have for models of reading are discussed.     

Covert attention and eye movements during reading

Eye movements were monitored during the reading of spatially transformed text in order to examine covert attentional processes in reading. In some conditions, the sequence of letters within a word was congruent with (i.e. in the same direction as) the sequence of words in the sentence; in other conditions the direction of letters within words and the direction of words in the sentence were incongruent. In addition, the window of visible text was varied so that in some conditions only the fixated word (and all preceding words) were visible, whereas in other conditions the fixated word and the succeeding word were both visible. Readers were able to extract more parafoveal information from text when the words themselves were normal than when the letters within the words were transformed. However, with practice, readers were able to use some parafoveal information even when the words were transformed. The most important finding was that the congruity of the word and letter order had no reliable effect on the ability to extract parafoveal information and influenced reading performance only when the words themselves were normal. We conclude that covert attention in reading is not a letter-by-letter scan that sweeps across the page, but either an asymmetric spotlight held constant on each fixation or a shifting of an attentional spotlight extending across multiletter units (possibly words) with the direction of shifts of attention closely coupled to the direction of eye movements.     

Integrating information across eye fixations in reading: the role of letter and word units

Eye movements and eye fixations were recorded to study the integration of letter/word information across interword fixations in reading. Two hypotheses were examined. One hypothesis posits that readers obtain effective information from the beginning two or three letters of a parafoveal word. This information facilitates the recognition of the word when it is being fixated. The alternative posits that effective information is obtained from the complete parafoveal word. The results of the present study showed faster reading rates when parafoveal previews comprised complete words than when they comprised beginning letters alone. Furthermore, the usability of parafoveally available partial word information from beginning and ending letters was not affected by small variations in retinal eccentricity. Both findings were taken as evidence that readers gain useful information from all letters of the parafoveally available word and that whole word information, rather than specific letter information, is integrated across interword fixations in reading.     

The influence of word function in the missing-letter effect: Further evidence from French

When asked to detect target letters while reading continuous text, subjects miss more letters in highly common function words than in less common content words. This is known as themissing-letter effect. According to the structural account, the higher omission rates for frequent function words are attributable to their role in supporting the extraction of phrase structure, after which they become lost in the transition from structure to meaning. This implies that word function in and of itself should affect letter detection accuracy. This issue was examined in four experiments while controlling for a number of confounded factors associated with another influential model: the unitization account. The first experiment extended the missing-letter effect to the French language. The second showed that letter detection is influenced by slight variations in the function assumed by the same word, such as when it is used as a definite article as opposed to a pronoun. This effect was observed even when the frequency of the orthographic pattern and the syllable stress patterns were controlled. In the last two experiments, a control was added for another factor: frequency of word meaning. The results indicate that word function contributes to the missing-letter effect over and above what is contributed by frequency of word meaning.     

Are individual or consecutive letters the unit affected by repetition blindness?

When 2 similar words (e.g., react reach) are briefly sequentially displayed, the 2nd word may be omitted from the report, a phenomenon known as repetition blindness (RB). Previous researchers have suggested that consecutive letters are the unit affected by RB. Six experiments provided new data on orthographic RB. Two letters at the beginning or end of words resulted in RB, as did alternating interior letters (tactile earthly) and 3 letters with different relative positions (arid bird). However, no RB was found with a single final letter (show view). Observed RB may reflect pattern completion because RB for pairs like throat theory was reduced when the nonrepeated letters (eory) were consistent with only a single word. The experiments point to a model of orthographic RB in which both individual letters and letter sequences of length 2 or more play a role.     

An analysis of the word-superiority effect

It is easier to decide which of two letters was presented tachistoscopically if the critical letter was in a word rather than in a scrambled word. We showed that this word-superiority effect holds just as strongly for pronounceable nonwords as for words, even when the critical letters are constant over all trials. This finding rules out word meaning and familiarity as variables accounting for the effect. In addition, it was found that the superiority of pronounceable stimuli holds for two-letter stimuli as well as four, and it is therefore concluded that the effect is not due to a memory limitation. An explanation of the effect in terms of the use of additional acoustic information is ruled out by showing that the effect was not diminished when the two possible words sounded exactly alike. An experiment using correctly and incorrectly spelled chemical formulas suggested that spelling regularities, regardless of pronounceability per se, account for the superiority effect. Finally, when decisions about two critical letters must be made on each trial, the correlation between being correct on one and on the other is higher for pronounceable stimuli under some conditions.     

German capitalization of nouns and the detection of letters in continuous text.

The missing-letter effect refers to the phenomenon that letters are more difficult to detect in common function words (such as the) than in content words. Assuming that the missing-letter effect is diagnostic of the extraction of text structure, we exploited a special feature of German--the convention to capitalize the initial letter of nouns. Given the great flexibility of word order in German, it was proposed that this convention might help readers specify the structure of the sentence. Therefore orthographic variations that violate the capitalization rules should disrupt structure extraction and should result in a reduced missing-letter effect. The results indicated that: 1) capitalization of function words eliminated the missing-letter effect, but not at the beginning of a sentence; 2) A missing-letter effect occurred when the capitalization of the first letter was correct, but was followed by typecase alternation, and also when the size of the initial letters was relatively large for function words, but relatively small for content words. The results were discussed with respect to the possible contributions of visual familiarity, structural role, and processing time to the missing-letter effect, taking into account that a capitalized initial letter conveys significant information about the word class for German readers. Thus, the present results indicate that readers take advantage not only of function words but of any other information (here the capitalization of nouns) that helps to extract the structure of a sentence.     

Letter position dyslexia in Arabic: from form to position

This study reports the reading of 11 Arabic-speaking individuals with letter position dyslexia (LPD), and the effect of letter form on their reading errors. LPD is a peripheral dyslexia caused by a selective deficit to letter position encoding in the orthographic-visual analyzer, which results in migration of letters within words, primarily of middle letters. The Arabic orthography is especially interesting for the study of LPD because Arabic letters have different forms in different positions in the word. As a result, some letter position errors require letter form change. We compared the rate of letter migrations that change letter form with migrations that do not change letter form in 10 Arabic-speaking individuals with developmental LPD, and one bilingual Arabic and Hebrew-speaking individual with acquired LPD. The results indicated that the participants made 40% letter position errors in migratable words when the resulting word included the letters in the same form, whereas migrations that changed letter form almost never occurred. The error rate of the Arabic-Hebrew bilingual reader was smaller in Arabic than in Hebrew. However, when only words in which migrations do not change letter form were counted, the rate was similar in Arabic and Hebrew. Hence, whereas orthographies with multiple letter forms for each letter might seem more difficult in some respects, these orthographies are in fact easier to read in some forms of dyslexia. Thus, the diagnosis of LPD in Arabic should consider the effect of letter forms on migration errors, and use only migratable words that do not require letter-form change. The theoretical implications for the reading model are that letter form (of the position-dependent type found in Arabic) is part of the information encoded in the abstract letter identity, and thus affects further word recognition processes, and that there might be a pre-lexical graphemic buffer in which the checking of orthographic well-formedness takes place.     

The word-detection effect: Sophisticated guessing or perceptual enhancement?

Subjects discriminate letters in words better than letters in nonwords. The sophisticated guessing hypothesis attributes this word advantage to a guessing strategy. In words, the possible letters at each letter position are constrained by letters at other positions, whereas letters in nonwords are not restricted in this manner. A critical test of this hypothesis is that if subjects are givenexplicit knowledge of the letters in nonwords before the trial, the word advantage would disappear. We investigated the effect of preknowledge of the alternatives in the word-detection effect. In the word-detection effect, subjects decide which of two character strings contains letters and which contains pseudoletters. In four experiments, subjects were more accurate with words than with nonwords, and subjects were more accurate when they were told the word or nonword before the trial. However, even with foreknowledge of the alternatives, subjects were more accurate with words than with nonwords.     

Are letter codes always activated?

This investigation assesses whether a word’s constituent-letter codes are activated when whole-word processing is encouraged, as well as when letter processing is encouraged. In Experiments 1 and 2, word primes were followed by a target item that had to be named. The target was a word, a constituent letter that had appeared in the prime, or a nonconstituent letter that had not appeared in the prime. The measure of constituent-letter activation was the difference in letter-naming latency between constituent and nonconstituent letters. Presumably, if constituent letters are named faster, letters are being activated by the words in which they appear. To encourage either whole-word or letter analysis during the processing of the priming word, the proportion of word versus letter targets was systematically varied. When the proportion heavily favored letter targets, constituent letters were named faster than their nonconstituent controls. However, a constituent-letter (vs. a nonconstituent-letter) advantage was not obtained when the proportion favored word targets. Experiment 3 replicated the effect with a priming task that required a discrimination response, instead of a naming response. Thus the results suggested that the activation of constituent-letter codes need not take place during the processing of words, but occurs only when letter analysis is stressed by the task.