How serious are expressions of protected values?

People think that some things that they value should be protected from trade-offs with other things. For example, people think that no economic gain is great enough to justify clear-cutting old-growth forest. The authors probed the stability of these protected values (PVs) in several ways. Subjects were asked to think of counterexamples, and this had some effect on PVs. Subjects were then asked how they would resolve conflicts between 2 PVs. Resolutions did not differ from those between other values, but subjects tended to feel that conflicts between PVs did not occur in reality. Despite people's claims that PVs are unchanged by variation in quantity, expression of PVs was reduced when the magnitude or probability of the violation of a PV was smaller. In summary, PVs appear to be labile and amenable to challenge. Despite earlier concerns, apparent PVs may not always preclude the use of valuation measures in cost-effectiveness analysis or negotiated agreement on controversial issues.     

How satisfied are patients with the ministry of chaplains?

The author describes the importance of chaplaincy departments conducting periodic patient satisfaction studies and provides quantitative results from 1440 patients discharged from one of 14 U.S. general hospitals. Patients expressed the most satisfaction in response to the item, "The chaplain seemed to be a person of spiritual sensitivity." The results also suggest the characteristics of patients who appear most responsive to this ministry.     

How accurate are women's estimates of date of onset of next menses?

Abstract

Because of individual differences in Occurrence of ovulation and patterns of hormonal secretions, one would usually prefer to measure locus in the menstrual cycle using physiological assessment procedures. But such methods are time consuming and costly. When exploring a new domain for possible relations to the menstrual cycle, it would be cost effective to use the simpler procedure of having each women verbally estimate date of onset of next menses. The accuracy of such estimates was studied in two college age samples. Estimated number of days until next onset correlated highly with actual number of days, as verified by follow-up (r = 0.90). As a group, women neither under- nor overestimated number of days. The precision with which these judgments were made was reasonably high. In sum, when a group of women are followed for one cycle, the average accuracy is very high, certainly high enough to support use of such verbal reports for certain scientific purposes.     

How automatic are social judgments?

Do people infer personality dispositions automatically when they encode behavior? Tulving's encoding-specificity paradigm was adapted to test three operational indicants of automatism: absence of intention, of interference from other mental activity, and of awareness. Recruited for a digit-recall study, subjects read sentences describing actions during the retention interval of either an easy or a difficult digit recall task. Later, sentence recall was cued by (a) disposition cues, (b) strong semantic associates to the sentence actor, or (c) words representing the gist of the sentence, or (d) sentence recall was not cued. Awareness was measured immediately after the last sentence was read. Disposition-cued recall was higher than (b) or (d) and was unaffected by digit recall difficulty. Awareness of making dispositional inferences was only weakly correlated with disposition-cued recall. Results suggest that disposition inferences occurred at encoding, without intention, without interference by differential drain on processing capacity, and with little awareness. Thus, making dispositional inferences seems to be largely, but not entirely, automatic.     

How stable are borderline diagnoses?

Borderline diagnostic terms are still being routinely and rather unreliably made in many centers. In the present sample of probands with various borderline states other diagnoses from the entire spectrum of psychiatric disorders, especially schizophrenia, were also found. Thus, in those cases with multiple admissions, a borderline diagnosis demonstrated only little stability over time. There was a strong tendency for borderline cases towards a diagnosis of schizophrenia and vice versa. Indeed, probands, with both borderline and schizophrenic diagnoses had no clear-cut course characteristics. It is suggested that the criteria of DSM-III for borderline personality disturbance be provisionally used for research purposes.     

How automatic are crossmodal correspondences?

The last couple of years have seen a rapid growth of interest (especially amongst cognitive psychologists, cognitive neuroscientists, and developmental researchers) in the study of crossmodal correspondences – the tendency for our brains (not to mention the brains of other species) to preferentially associate certain features or dimensions of stimuli across the senses. By now, robust empirical evidence supports the existence of numerous crossmodal correspondences, affecting people’s performance across a wide range of psychological tasks – in everything from the redundant target effect paradigm through to studies of the Implicit Association Test, and from speeded discrimination/classification tasks through to unspeeded spatial localisation and temporal order judgment tasks. However, one question that has yet to receive a satisfactory answer is whether crossmodal correspondences automatically affect people’s performance (in all, or at least in a subset of tasks), as opposed to reflecting more of a strategic, or top-down, phenomenon. Here, we review the latest research on the topic of crossmodal correspondences to have addressed this issue. We argue that answering the question will require researchers to be more precise in terms of defining what exactly automaticity entails. Furthermore, one’s answer to the automaticity question may also hinge on the answer to a second question: Namely, whether crossmodal correspondences are all ‘of a kind’, or whether instead there may be several different kinds of crossmodal mapping (e.g., statistical, structural, and semantic). Different answers to the automaticity question may then be revealed depending on the type of correspondence under consideration. We make a number of suggestions for future research that might help to determine just how automatic crossmodal correspondences really are.     

How are scientific corrections made?

This paper provides examples drawn from the author’s experience that support the conclusion that errors and deceptions in archival science are often not easily or quickly corrected. The difficulty in correcting errors and deceptions needs wider recognition if it is to be overcome. In addition, the paper discusses how subtle abuses introduce errors into the archival literature.     

Can different levels of S-R practice influence sequence learning? An investigation into the context of a perceptual-motor sequence learning task

The main aim of the present study was to evaluate on a serial reaction time task the effect of stimulus-response (S-R) practice on sequence learning. The experiment used a pointing task which allowed recording reaction times and movement times. The basic manipulation consisted in varying the amount of S-R practice prior to sequence practice. Two main findings from this study may be highlighted. Firstly, the benefit from extensive S-R practice was mainly observed in the random practice phase. Secondly, S-R learning and sequence learning were reflected by different components of performance. The movement times were selectively sensitive to the acquisition of S-R regularities whereas the reaction times were selectively sensitive to the acquisition of sequence regularities. The implications of these results on the comprehension of the sequence learning mechanism were then discussed.     

How are qualia coupled to functions?

WHAT DETERMINES THE NATURE OF SUBJECTIVE EXPERIENCE: associated behavioural functions or mediating neural activity? A recent analysis by Hurley and No? of a variety of cases of behavioural and neural plasticity shows that, under different conditions, either can predominate. This adds to other efforts to transfer the doctrine of functionalism from philosophical debate to empirical scrutiny, where it is hoped that it may eventually be resolved.     

How serious are common childhood fears?

OBJECTIVE: The present study examined the clinical status of common childhood fears. METHOD: Fears of the 290 children aged 8 to 13 years were assessed and then their severity was explored by means of a structured diagnostic interview measuring anxiety disorders according to the criteria of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). RESULTS: Childhood fears reflect significant anxiety disorders in a substantial minority (i.e. 22.8%) of the children. CONCLUSIONS: In most children, childhood fears are part of the normal development. However, in some children, these fears reflect serious anxiety problems which interfere with daily routine.     

How many hindsight biases are there?

The answer is three: questioning a conceptual default assumption in hindsight bias research, we argue that the hindsight bias is not a unitary phenomenon but consists of three separable and partially independent subphenomena or components, namely, memory distortions, impressions of foreseeability and impressions of necessity. Following a detailed conceptual analysis including a systematic survey of hindsight characterizations in the published literature, we investigated these hindsight components in the context of political elections. We present evidence from three empirical studies that impressions of foreseeability and memory distortions (1) show hindsight effects that typically differ in magnitude and sometimes even in direction, (2) are essentially uncorrelated, and (3) are differentially influenced by extraneous variables. A fourth study found similar dissociations between memory distortions and impressions of necessity. All four studies thus provide support for a separate components view of the hindsight bias. An important consequence of such a view is that apparent contradictions in research findings as well as in theoretical explanations (e.g., cognitive vs. social-motivational) might be alleviated by taking differences between components into account. We also suggest conditions under which the components diverge or converge.     

How are pictures registered in memory?

Three experiments tested the hypothesis that pictorial memory is much less dependent on rehearsal than is verbal memory. Experiment I examined incidental learning since this is assumed to reflect learning with little or no rehearsal. Following a classification task, intentional and incidental learning for pictures and for words was compared. The superiority of pictorial memory was especially marked in incidental learning. Experiment II showed that this result was not due to differences in the amount of processing required to classify pictures and words. RTs to classify words and pictures did not differ, and incidental learning was again superior for pictures. In Experiment III rehearsal opportunity was restricted by a concurrent task during presentation of word and picture lists, and the decrement was very much greater for word learning than for picture learning. It was concluded that manipulation of rehearsal opportunity has relatively little effect on pictorial memory.     

Data-driven sequence learning or search: What are the prerequisites for the generation of explicit sequence knowledge?

In incidental sequence learning situations, there is often a number of participants who can report the task-inherent sequential regularity after training. Two kinds of mechanisms for the generation of this explicit knowledge have been proposed in the literature. First, a sequence representation may become explicit when its strength reaches a certain level (Cleeremans, 2006), and secondly, explicit knowledge may emerge as the result of a search process that is triggered by unexpected events that occur during task processing and require an explanation (the unexpected-event hypothesis; Haider & Frensch, 2009). Our study aimed at systematically exploring the contribution of both mechanisms to the generation of explicit sequence knowledge in an incidental learning situation. We varied the amount of specific sequence training and inserted unexpected events into a 6-choice serial reaction time task. Results support the unexpected-event view, as the generation of explicit sequence knowledge could not be predicted by the representation strength acquired through implicit sequence learning. Rather sequence detection turned out to be more likely when participants were shifted to the fixed repeating sequence after training than when practicing one and the same fixed sequence without interruption. The behavioral effects of representation strength appear to be related to the effectiveness of unexpected changes in performance as triggers of a controlled search.