How Do Opportunities to View Objects Together in Time Influence Children's Memory for Location?

We conducted three experiments to investigate how opportunities to view objects together in time influence memory for location. Children and adults learned the locations of 20 objects marked by dots on the floor of an open, square box. During learning, participants viewed the objects either simultaneously or in isolation. At test, participants replaced the objects without the aid of the dots. Experiment 1 showed that when the box was divided into quadrants and the objects in each quadrant were categorically related, 7-, 9-, and 11-year-olds and adults in the simultaneous viewing condition exhibited categorical bias, but only 11-year-olds and adults in the isolated viewing condition exhibited categorical bias. Experiment 2 showed that when the objects were categorically related but no boundaries were present, 11-year-olds and adults in the simultaneous viewing condition exhibited categorical bias, but only adults showed bias in the isolated viewing condition. Experiment 3 revealed that adults exhibited bias in both simultaneous and isolated viewing conditions when boundaries were present but the objects were not related. These findings suggest that opportunities to see objects together in time interact with cues available for grouping objects to help children form spatial groups.     

视觉工作记忆中特征绑定关系的记忆机制

弱客体理论认为, 视觉工作记忆系统是由众多特征存储的子系统组成, 不同纬度的特征独立存储在相应的有限容量的子系统中, 相互之间不会竞争记忆资源。而对于特征之间绑定关系的记忆存在不同的观点。一种观点认为绑定关系的记忆需要注意维持, 因此绑定关系的记忆会占用到特征记忆的资源; 另一种观点认为绑定关系的记忆是自动发生的, 不需要注意的维持。本实验的目的是探究特征绑定关系的记忆是否是自动发生的。在实验中, 我们设计了两种任务, 一种任务是只记忆颜色, 另一种任务是记忆颜色跟位置及其之间的绑定关系, 并测试分析视觉工作记忆相关的ERP成分CDA。结果发现两种任务条件下的CDA波幅之间没有显著差异, 说明视觉工作记忆中的特征绑定是自动发生的。     

Sequential versus simultaneous viewing of an environment: Effects of focal attention to individual object locations on visual spatial learning

We investigated memories of room-sized spatial layouts learned by sequentially or simultaneously viewing objects from a stationary position. In three experiments, sequential viewing (one or two objects at a time) yielded subsequent memory performance that was equivalent or superior to simultaneous viewing of all objects, even though sequential viewing lacked direct access to the entire layout. This finding was replicated by replacing sequential viewing with directed viewing in which all objects were presented simultaneously and participants’ attention was externally focused on each object sequentially, indicating that the advantage of sequential viewing over simultaneous viewing may have originated from focal attention to individual object locations. These results suggest that memory representation of object-to-object relations can be constructed efficiently by encoding each object location separately, when those locations are defined within a single spatial reference system. These findings highlight the importance of considering object presentation procedures when studying spatial learning mechanisms.     

Image representation,scaling and cognitive model of object perception

Neuropsychological investigations of visual imagery and representations have led to a deeper understanding of the spatial perception, representation and memory. But how each individual perceives object’s geometrical properties and how they differ from person to person, both under event-related memory and normal recollecting memory in the presence or in the absence of direct sensory stimulation is still unclear. Spatial knowledge is diverse, complex, and multi-modal, as are the situations in which it is used. All seem to agree that a cognitive map is a mental representation of an external environment. The image scaling is important in understanding the psychological dysfunctions of patients suffering from spatial cognition problems. The scaling becomes self-evident in art forms, when people are asked to draw image of objects they see actively or from their short or long term memory. In this paper we develop a comprehensive model of this scaling factor and its implications in spatial image representation and memory. We also extend its notion in understanding the perception of objects whose representations are normally not possible (like the perception of universal scales, infinities and parallel lines) but are well comprehended by the human brains. Here we give a scaling factor which is variable depending on the situations for a person based on his visual memory and drawing capabilities. And then extend it to analyse his cognitive strengths, disorders and any imperfections. This model also helps in formalizing the architectural cognitive maps needed to change the scaling factor, depending on the types of visual works one performs.     

Effects of aging on interference control in selective attention and working memory

Working memory decay in advanced age has been attributed to a concurrent decrease in the ability to control interference. The present study contrasted a form of interference control in selective attention that acts upon the perception of external stimuli (access) with another form that operates on internal representations in working memory (deletion), in order to determine both of their effects on working memory efficiency in younger and older adults. Additionally, we compared memory performance under these access and deletion functions to performance in their respective control conditions. The results indicated that memory accuracy improved in both age groups from the access functions, but that only young adults benefited from the deletion functions. In addition, intrusion effects in the deletion condition were larger in older than in younger adults. The ability to control the irrelevant perception- and memory-elicited interference did not decline in general with advancing age; rather, the control mechanisms that operate on internal memory representations declined specifically.     

What's in a shape? Children represent shape variability differently than adults when naming objects

Children and adults often generalize a word to objects of the same shape. However, the shape properties on which generalization is based are unknown. We investigated the degree to which two shape dimensions were represented categorically by children and adults when learning names for objects. Multidimensional scaling techniques were used to establish the perceptual similarity of two sets of objects in Experiment 1. In Experiments 2 and 3, children (from 2;8 to 4;5 years of age) and adults participated in two tasks in which they learned a novel name for an exemplar. We then examined how often the novel name was generalized to different objects and to line drawings of the objects. In one task, participants generalized the names from memory; in a second task the exemplar was in front of the participant during generalization. Adults accepted names more often to objects that fell "within" the proposed shape boundaries than to objects that fell "across" the boundaries. Children, however, were just as likely to generalize names to novel objects that fell within as to objects that crossed the boundaries.     

Why does visual working memory ability improve with age: More objects,more feature detail,or both? A registered report

We investigated how visual working memory (WM) develops with age across the early elementary school period (6–7 years), early adolescence (11–13 years), and early adulthood (18–25 years). The work focuses on changes in two parameters: the number of objects retained at least in part, and the amount of feature-detail remembered for such objects. Some evidence suggests that, while infants can remember up to three objects, much like adults, young children only remember around two objects. This curious, nonmonotonic trajectory might be explained by differences in the level of feature-detail required for successful performance in infant versus child/adult memory paradigms. Here, we examined if changes in one of two parameters (the number of objects, and the amount of detail retained for each object) or both of them together can explain the development of visual WM ability as children grow older. To test it, we varied the amount of feature-detail participants need to retain. In the baseline condition, participants saw an array of objects and simply were to indicate whether an object was present in a probed location or not. This phase begun with a titration procedure to adjust each individual's array size to yield about 80% correct. In other conditions, we tested memory of not only location but also additional features of the objects (color, and sometimes also orientation). Our results suggest that capacity growth across ages is expressed by both improved location-memory (whether there was an object in a location) and feature completeness of object representations.     

注意水平对视觉工作记忆客体表征的影响

运用单探测的变化检测范式和注意分配程序,两个实验分别考察了由相同维度特征组成的客体和由不同维度特征组成的客体在工作记忆中的表征方式,以及注意对其的作用。实验1用双色框作为客体,实验2用不同颜色的形状作为客体。被试为27名大学生。结果发现,由相同维度特征组成的客体在工作记忆中只能以单一特征为储存单元,且这种储存不受注意水平的影响,可能是一种自动化的过程;由不同维度特征组成的客体在工作记忆中能以整合形式表征,但是这种表征需要集中性注意的参与。该结果表明,在知觉过程中整合起来的信息在储存到工作记忆的过程中时,仍需要消耗注意资源。     

Hypermnesia: A further examination of age differences between young and older adults

Previous studies that examined age differences in hypermnesia reported inconsistent results. The present experiment investigated whether the different study materials in these studies were responsible for the inconsistency. In particular, the present experiment examined whether the use of a video, as opposed to words and pictures, would eliminate previously reported age differences in hypermnesia. Fifteen college students and 15 older adults viewed a 3‐minute video clip followed by two free‐recall tests. The results indicated that older adults, as a whole, did not show hypermnesia. However, when older adults were divided into low and high memory groups based on test 1 performance, the high memory group showed hypermnesia whereas the low memory group did not show hypermnesia. The older adults in the low memory group were significantly older than the older adults in the high memory group – indicating that hypermnesia is inversely related to age in older adults. Reminiscence did not show an age‐related difference in either the low or high memory group whereas inter‐test forgetting did show an age difference in the low memory group. As expected, older adults showed greater inter‐test forgetting than young adults in the low memory group. Findings from the present experiment suggest that video produces a pattern of results that is similar to the patterns obtained when words and pictures are used as study material. Thus, it appears that the nature of study material is not the source of inconsistency across the previous studies.     

Neurocognitive development in 5- to 16-year-old North American children: A cross-sectional study

Executive functions are thought to be the latest functions to mature. However, this view has not been tested by assessing simultaneously memory, perception of emotions, visuospatial perception, and visuoconstructional skills. NEPSY II norm data from 1000 5- to 16-year-old U.S. children were obtained. Fifteen NEPSY II subtests with no floor or ceiling effects in any age group and no major changes in task type were selected. The 16-year level was attained at age 12 to 13 in all subtests with two exceptions: social perception (age 10 to 11) and narrative memory (age 14). Trend analyses showed that development was rapid in the age range 5 to 9 years followed by a deceleration in the rate of development. Peak performances were reached at 14 to 16 years but later in some subtests representing executive functions, verbal memory, and visuospatial performance. Thus, the study specified developmental time tables of neurocognitive functions. It demonstrated that not only executive functions but also verbal memory and visuospatial performance continue to develop beyond age 16.     

The nature of adaptation in distance perception based on oculomotor cues

In previous work by the senior authors, brief adaptation to glasses that changed the accommodation and convergence with which objects were seen resulted in large alterations in size perception. Here, two further effects of such adaptation are reported: alterations in stereoscopic depth perception and a change when distance is represented by a response of S’s arm. We believe that the three effects are manifestations of one primary effect, an alteration of the relation between accommodation and convergence on the one hand and the distance they represent in the nervous system (registered distance) on the other. This view was supported by the results of two experiments, each of which demonstrated that the alterations in stereoscopic depth perception could be obtained after adaptation periods which had provided no opportunity to use stereoscopic vision, and that the adaptation effect was larger for depth perception than for size perception when it was obtained under the same conditions; the latter finding was expected if both effects resulted from the same change in registered distance. In three of the five experiments here reported, the variety of cues that could represent veridical distance during the adaptation period was limited. In one condition of adaptation, only the pattern of growth of the retinal images of objects that S approached and the kinesthetic cues for S’s locomotion served as cues to veridical distance. In two other conditions S remained immobile. In one of these, only the perspective distortion in the projection of the scene that S viewed mediated veridical distance, and in the other one familiar objects of normal size were successively illuminated in an otherwise totally dark field, conditions from which opportunities to use stereoscopic vision were again absent. After exposure to each of these adaptation conditions, adaptive changes in perceived size and larger ones in perceived stereoscopic depth were obtained. Because we found that familiar size may serve as the sole indicator of veridical distance in an adaptation process, we concluded that it can function as a perceptual as distinguished from an inferential cue to distance.     

Are there developmental differences in reality-monitoring?

The question addressed by the present experiment is whether the ability to distinguish between veridical and imaginal memory representations changes with age. Second-grade, fourth-grade, and sixth grade children (8, 10, and 12 years old) and college students were shown pictures of familiar objects. Each picture was presented one, two, or three times and, interspersed with these presentations, subjects were asked to imagine each picture zero, one, or three times. Subsequently they were asked to judge the presentation frequency of each picture. For all groups, imagining the pictures resulted in inflated estimates of event frequency. However, contrary to the idea that children have a particularly difficult time discriminating externally generated from internally generated memories, one analysis indicated adults were actually somewhat more affected than children by the imagination trials.     

Choice-supportive source monitoring: do our decisions seem better to us as we age?

Participants were given several 2-option choices and then asked to review how they felt about their decisions, to review the details of their decisions, or to do an unrelated task. When later asked to attribute features to the previous options, in each condition older adults (64-83 years) attributed significantly more positive and fewer negative features to their chosen options than to foregone options. Younger adults' (18-22 years) attributions were as choice-supportive as those of older adults in the affective review condition but were less so in the other conditions. The age difference was present even when older and younger adults were equated for source identification and recognition accuracy. This study suggests that as people age, their tendency to distort memory in favor of the options they chose increases. In addition, it suggests that affectively reviewing choices increases younger adults' tendency toward choice-supportive memory.     

Cue utilization following different forms of encoding in mildly, moderately, and severely demented patients with Alzheimer's disease

The ability of patients with Alzheimer's disease (AD) to utilize semantic category cues in order to improve memory performance was examined. Categorizable lists of words or objects were presented under five different encoding conditions: (a) nouns, (b) objects, (c) objects with a semantic orienting question, (d) objects with self-generated motoric acts, and (e) objects with experimenter-instructed motoric acts. Subjects were asked to memorize the items for a free recall test, and were subsequently provided with the category names in a cued recall test. Mildly, moderately, and severely demented AD patients, and a group of normal older adults participated in the study. Results showed that normal older adults and mildly demented AD subjects were able to utilize cues to improve memory performance in all conditions. Moderately demented patients utilized cues in all conditions except in the verbal condition (condition [a]), whereas severely demented patients utilized cues only in the motoric condition (condition [e]). These results suggest that the ability to utilize category cues following a motoric encoding is preserved later in AD than the ability to utilize cues after a semantic encoding.     

Stronger evidence for own-age effects in memory for older as compared to younger adults

Three studies examined whether younger and older adults better recall information associated with their own than information related to another age group. All studies compared young and older adults with respect to incidental memory for previously presented stimuli (Studies 1 and 2: everyday objects; Study 3: vacation advertisements) that had been randomly paired with an age-related cue (e.g., photo of a young or an old person; the word "young" or "old"). All three studies found the expected interaction of participants' age and age-associated information. Studies 1 and 2 showed that the memory bias for information arbitrarily associated with one's own as compared to another age group was significant for older adults only. However, when age-relevance was introduced in a context of equal importance to younger and older adults (information about vacations paired either with pictures of young or older adults), the memory bias for one's own age group was clearly present for both younger and older adults (Study 3).     

客体工作记忆的保持对时距知觉的影响

初步探讨毫秒范围内,客体信息保持对时间知觉的影响。实验一发现,知觉到的时间不受记忆负荷的影响,但当保持时间短时,低负荷的反应时低于高负荷的反应时;实验二仅要求被试完成时间知觉任务,发现知觉负荷异于记忆负荷对时间知觉的影响。结果说明,客体工作记忆保持对时间知觉的影响受到工作记忆资源的调节。     

客体工作记忆任务中大脑皮层活动的记忆负荷效应

利用128导事件相关电位技术,采用延迟匹配任务的实验范式,测查了20名正常被试完成不同负荷客体任务时的皮层慢电位（slow cortical potentials,简称sp成分）,实验发现：背侧前额叶在刺激呈现后的700ms到1400ms出现记忆负荷效应,高负荷任务诱发的sp成分显著负于低负荷任务;低负荷任务诱发的sp成分在左前额区（500~1800ms）、左前额-中央区（700~1800ms）、左中央-顶叶区（1000~1400s和1800~4800ms）、右前额区（1800~4800ms）和右前额-中央区（1400~4800ms）显著负于高负荷任务,出现记忆负荷效应,但这种负荷效应在左右大脑半球所反映的心理意义可能不同     

The expression of memorization in early childhood

This experiment examined the expression and effectiveness of memorization in young children. Sixty children at each of the ages 4, 5, and 6 were randomly assigned to a memory group or to one of two control groups. All of the children were told that they could play with a group of toys during a brief activity period; the children in the memory condition were also instructed to memorize a specified subset of the toys. Mnemonic mediators were identified on the basis of differences in the activity period behaviors of children given memory and play instructions. Relative to the children in the play groups, the children in the memory conditions played with the toys less; further, their use of naming and visual examination as mnemonic mediators differentiated the groups at all ages and increased with age. Only the oldest subjects given memory instructions, however, demonstrated superior recall. The relationships between activity period behavior and recall among the different conditions were explored with regression techniques. Although previous research has focused on identifying the earliest use of memory strategies, the present findings underscore the importance of examining the development of these skills.     

A comparison of monocular and binocular depth perception in 5- and 7-month-old infants

Monocular depth perception was compared with binocular depth perception in 5- and 7-month-old infants. Reaching was used as the dependent measure. Two objects, identical except in size, were presented simultaneously to each infant. The smaller object was within reach for the infants while the larger object was just beyond reach. The two objects subtended equal visual angles from the infants' observation point. With binocular presentation, 96% of the 7-month-olds' reaches and 89% of the 5-month-olds' reaches were for the nearer object. With monocular presentation, 58% of the 7-month-olds' reaches and 65% of the 5-month-olds' reaches were for the nearer object. The reaching preferences observed in the monocular condition indicated sensitivity to monocular depth information (motion parallax, accommodation, and relative size information were available). Binocular viewing, however, resulted in a far more consistent tendency to reach for the nearer object. This result suggests that the infants' perception of the objects' distances was more veridical in the binocular condition than in the monocular condition.     

Stronger evidence for own-age effects in memory for older as compared to younger adults

Three studies examined whether younger and older adults better recall information associated with their own than information related to another age group. All studies compared young and older adults with respect to incidental memory for previously presented stimuli (Studies 1 and 2: everyday objects; Study 3: vacation advertisements) that had been randomly paired with an age-related cue (e.g., photo of a young or an old person; the word “young” or “old”). All three studies found the expected interaction of participants’ age and age-associated information. Studies 1 and 2 showed that the memory bias for information arbitrarily associated with one's own as compared to another age group was significant for older adults only. However, when age-relevance was introduced in a context of equal importance to younger and older adults (information about vacations paired either with pictures of young or older adults), the memory bias for one's own age group was clearly present for both younger and older adults (Study 3).