《河图》五行数与《周易》四象数之间的关系

<河图>的五行成数不能与<周易>四象数混同."六、七、八、九"四数在<周易>与<河图>中的含义并不一致;五行成数实际存在两种说法,先秦文献中使用的土的成数是"五",而不是"十",因而五行数到"九"为止;土有成数"十"最初见于汉代,实际是五行学说在<易>理指导下发展的产物.     

儒学形而上系统的最初建构--《五行》所展示的儒学形而上体系

郭简<五行>篇具有重要的研究价值,本文主要对其对儒学形而上体系之建构作出理解和诠释,着重通过对<五行>篇的内在结构的分析,阐明<五行>所建立的儒学形而上体系的内部结构,说明和论证此体系正是儒学的"一以贯之"的内在结构和形而上体系,<五行>的思想是思孟之间一个不可或缺的重要的过渡环节,它继承孔子以来儒学的内在精神,使儒学的形而上体系得以明晰,并为孟子进一步继承和发展,从而推动了儒学的进一步发展.通过<五行>"形于内"和"不形于内"的分析,对天人合一也作出新的理解.     

《太极图》与《太极图说》之"五行说"比较研究

本文旨在对<太极图>的作者问题提出个人的看法.首先,本文从比较<太极图>与<太极图说>对"五行"思想的不同表达入手,指出二者所论的"五行"思想分别属于不同的流传系统.其次,本文较深入的比较了这两种"五行"思想的异同之处,进而指出基于这一矛盾可以初步判断,<太极图>与<太极图说>决非一人所做.     

帛书《缪和》、《昭力》"子曰"辨

本文认为帛书<缪和>、<昭力>之"子曰"即是"孔子曰",并非指"讲师之言".而谬和、昭力等七人,皆当为孔子晚年弟子,而非汉初人物.由此还认为,<缪和>、<昭力>乃是儒家研<易>著作,而战国至汉初流传的诸种<易传>皆当以孔子为宗主,且多与孔子晚年弟子及其后学相关.     

早期阴阳家与"卦气"说考索

本文通过对帛书<要>、<管子·五行>、<史记·太史公自序>、<汉书·魏相传>及<汉书·艺文志>等文献资料的考索,初步梳理了早期阴阳家的源流和一些特点,发掘了其在象数易学史上的贡献.认为,早期阴阳家出于古代史官.在史官那里,已达到了象数易学阶段,他们已有了以卦与岁时相配的"卦气"说.早期阴阳家承其做法,以六卦与"五时"相配,纳入五行,而有富有特色的"古五子"的"卦气"说.文章指出,史官是<易>之"古义"的主要掌握者,后来早期阴阳家、道家、儒家等所传习的"卦气"说等象数"古义",当皆本之于他们.     

宋儒张载"以易为宗"思想探析

张载是宋代理学的奠基者,也是四大学派之一--关学的开创者.他的成就得到理学家们的肯定,如程颢、程颐将他与孟子、韩愈相比;朱熹于<伊洛渊源录>中,将其与周敦颐、邵雍、二程并列;<近思录>也选录许多张载言论,以为门生弟子进学之助.而后代统治阶层的重视,也可看出他的影响宋理宗封他为郿伯,从祀孔庙.元代赵复立周敦颐祠,以张载与程、朱配食.<宋史道学传>为他立传,颂扬他的德业.他的著作在明、清二代是开科取士的必读书目,并于清初编入御纂<性理大全>和<性理精义>中,可见张载在理学发展上的贡献与地位.     

帛书《易传》四篇天人道德观析论

本文通过对帛书易传<二三子问>、<易之义>、<要>、<缪和、昭力>四篇的分析,认为帛传四篇为孔子<易>论,其中包涵着<论语>、<孔子集语>、传世本<易传>等反映孔子思想的传世文献所隐微罕见的天人道德观念;帛传四篇表现了孔子在涵括三代以至春秋新旧天人观念的基础上对于天人内涵的初步的哲学改造,反映了孔子将传统的主宰之天转化为道德之天、并将传统的主体对于形上存在的外在超越关系转化为内在超越关系的致思取向,从而凸显了孔子作为当时敏锐而深邃的思想家的形象;帛传四篇所涵具的孔子天人道德思想补足了三代天命德政观与思孟天道性命思想之间的逻辑缺环,是经由曾子(<天圆>)而达致<中庸>、郭店儒家简、<孟子>乃至传世本<易传>所体现的天道性命思想高峰的理论根据.     

陈衍"以诗存史"诗史观论析

陈衍"以诗存史"诗史观,重心在搜集有事之诗达到存史目的,这一诗学观既是对孟棨<本事诗>以来纪事诗话宗旨与元好问<中州集>以来"以诗存史"诗学观的传承与发扬,也是晚清国势衰微之际陈衍民族危机与世道关怀意识的投射.这是一种自觉的有着强烈现实主义精神的诗史观.     

再论郭店简《六德》"为父绝君"及相关问题

郭店楚简整理者对<六德>"为父绝君,不为君绝父.为昆弟绝妻,不为妻绝昆"句中的四个"绝"字的隶定为"继"字,与先秦礼书中的"绝服"相当."为父绝君"意为当父丧与君丧同时发生时,应服父丧而绝君之丧服.<六德>"为昆弟绝妻",与<丧服>妻服重于昆弟之服的服叙不同,但更为合理,当是早期丧服制度的反映.<六德>"为宗族杀朋友,不为朋友杀宗族",两"杀"字旧释"减杀",不确,当训为"杀止",字义的指向,在丧服的边界.     

《易传》人性论探微

对<系辞>等传中论及人性及其与天道之关系的文字,古今学者的理解各有心得.作者认为,行<系辞>论性语义为一阴一阳的运行变化称之为道,人从天道变化中得到了善,人性使天道赋予人的这种善得到了完成和显现.并且认为,<易传>、<中庸>、<孟子>实际都是认为"性自命出,命从天降"的,都是在人性与天道有一致性的意义上肯定人性善的,故否定<易传>有性善论,以为<易>、<庸>、<孟>的人性说致思路数不同的观点,都是不合实际的.作者又认为,将天道赋予人道正义的意义又返而以支撑人道原则,自<易传>已然,宋儒的天道性命学说与此是一脉相承的,故否定理学与先秦儒学的联系也是不合事实的.作者还认为,中国古代思想家宣扬性善论的主题是弘扬理性,强化人们对人道的自觉与自信,其中凝聚的积极善良的正气,乃是我们民族文化的元神.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.