The effect of preview eccentricity in a lexical decision task

We report lexical decision experiments in which eye movements and lexical decision time were analysed. The results show that nonwords produced more fixation than words, and that the time to make a lexical decision was also greater for nonwords. Further, a preview of the stimulus was presented on some occasions either at fixation or peripherally. When the presentation was peripheral the number of refixations and lexical decision times were reduced. Parafoveal previews of words also reduced word length effects on refixations and lexical decision time. These effects decreased (for nonwords) when the case of the letters was changed in the preview. These results are compatible with the idea that the peripheral preview benefit derives from word visual structure in addition to information about word length, word envelope, and single letter identities.     

Sequential dependencies in the lexical decision task

Two experiments addressed whether response latency in a trial of the lexical decision task is independent of the lexical status of the item presented in the previous trial. In Exp. 1, it was found that both word and nonword responses were significantly slower when the previous trial had involved a nonword than when it had involved a word. In Exp. 2, which employed a different list composition, it was found that responses to nonwords and pseudohomophones were significantly slower when the previous trial had involved a nonword or a pseudohomophone than when it had involved a word. However, responses to words were not influenced by the nature of the previous trial. We concluded that sequential dependencies exist across consecutive trials in the lexical decision task even when there is no semantic, morphological, phonological, or orthographic relationship between the items presented during those trials.     

Phonological encoding in the lexical decision task

In lexical decision experiments, subjects have difficulty in responding NO to non-words which are pronounced exactly like English words (e.g. BRANE). This does not necessarily imply that access to a lexical entry ever occurs via a phonological recoding of a visually-presented word. The phonological recoding procedure might be so slow that when the letter string presented is a word, access to its lexical entry via a visual representation is always achieved before phonological recoding is completed. If prelexical phonological recodings are produced by using grapheme-phoneme correspondence rules, such recodings can only occur for words which conform to these rules (regular words), since applications of the rules to words which do not conform to the rules (exception words) produce incorrect phonological representations. In two experiments, it was found that time to achieve lexical access (as measured by YES latency in a lexical decision task) was equivalent for regular words and exception words. It was concluded that access to lexical entries in lexical decision experiments of this sort does not proceed by sometimes or always phonologically recoding visually-presented words.     

The mispriming effect: Evidence of an orthographic check in the lexical decision task

This paper describes a lexical decision experiment that demonstrates that there are increased rates of errors for words “misprimed” with words strongly associated with visually similar words (e.g., BREAD-BATTER) relative to rates for the same words preceded by completely unrelated words (e.g., SLEEP-BATTER). The pattern of results is shown to be inconsistent with Forster’s (1976) search model but consistent with a criterion-bias model supplemented by an orthographic checking process.

     

A model for evidence accumulation in the lexical decision task

We present a new model for lexical decision, REM-LD, that is based on REM theory (e.g., ). REM-LD uses a principled (i.e., Bayes' rule) decision process that simultaneously considers the diagnosticity of the evidence for the 'WORD' response and the 'NONWORD' response. The model calculates the odds ratio that the presented stimulus is a word or a nonword by averaging likelihood ratios for lexical entries from a small neighborhood of similar words. We report two experiments that used a signal-to-respond paradigm to obtain information about the time course of lexical processing. Experiment 1 verified the prediction of the model that the frequency of the word stimuli affects performance for nonword stimuli. Experiment 2 was done to study the effects of nonword lexicality, word frequency, and repetition priming and to demonstrate how REM-LD can account for the observed results. We discuss how REM-LD could be extended to account for effects of phonology such as the pseudohomophone effect, and how REM-LD can predict response times in the traditional 'respond-when-ready' paradigm.     

The word frequency effect in lexical decision: Finding a frequency-based component

Subjects making lexical decisions are reliably faster in responding to high-frequency words than to low-frequency words. This is known as the word frequency effect. We wished to demonstrate that some portion of this effect was due to frequency differences between words rather than to other dimensions correlated with word frequency. Three groups of subjects (10 engineers, 10 nurses, and I0 law students) made lexical decisions about 720 items, half words and half nonwords, from six different categories (engineering, medical, low-frequency nontechnical, medium-frequency nontechnical, and two groups of high-frequency nontechnical). Results of two analyses of variance revealed a crossover interaction such that engineers were faster in responding to engineering words than to medical words, whereas nurses were faster in responding to medical words than to engineering words. The engineering and medical words were equally long and equally infrequent by standard word counts. We take this as support for a frequency-based component in the word frequency effect. The practical implications of this research for estimating the readability of technical text are discussed.     

Associative strength effects in the lexical decision task

Four experiments explore the role of automatic and attentional processing in producing strength effects in a lexical decision task. Experiment I manipulated the relative proportion of related and unrelated pairs, the stimulus-onset-asynchrony (SOA), and the strength of the prime-target relationship. Results indicated that strength was independent of the proportion of related and unrelated pairs and SOA. Experiment 2 manipulated the relative proportion of strong and weak related pairs and the strength of the prime-target relationship at a relatively long SOA interval (500 msec). Results showed that the strength effect was present when more strong than weak pairs were presented, and it was absent when the stimulus list contained more weak than strong pairs. Experiment 3 replicated the more weak pairs condition of Experiment 2 but with a short SOA interval (100 msec) and showed that the strength effect was found regardless of the large number of weak related pairs presented. Experiment 4 manipulated strength of the prime-target relationship and proportion of strong and weak pairs but introducing a neutral prime condition and a longer SOA interval (1000 msec). Results are discussed within a two-process model (Posner & Snyder, 1975) postulating that the strength effect at short SOAs is due to automatic processes, whereas at long SOAs it is due to the influence of attentional processes.     

Strategic associative priming in the lexical decision task

Two experiments explore the nature of prelexical expectancy processes in the lexical decision task. The strength of the prime-target relationship and the size of the associative set defined by the prime were manipulated in both experiments. In Experiment 1, the proportion of strong relative to weak primes induced subjects to include strong and weak candidate words in their expectancy set, whereas in Experiment 2 that proportion attempted to induce subjects to include mainly strongly related words. Results showed that priming depended on whether the primes were included in the set. Thus, in Experiment 1 facilitation was obtained for both strong and weak primes, whereas in Experiment 2 the facilitation of weak primes depended on the size of the associative set defined by the prime. Results are discussed within a theoretical framework that includes prelexical expectancy processes in the lexical decision task.     

Sequential effects in the lexical decision task: The role of the item frequency of the previous trial

Two lexical decision experiments were conducted to determine whether there is a specific, localized influence of the item frequency of consecutive trials (i.e., first-order sequential effects) when the trials are not related to each other. Both low-frequency words and nonwords were influenced by the frequency of the precursor word (Experiment 1). In contrast, high-frequency words showed little sensitivity to the frequency of the precursor word (Experiment 2), although they showed longer reaction times for word trials preceded by a nonword trial. The presence of sequential effects in the lexical decision task suggests that participants shift their response criteria on a trial-by-trial basis.     

Additive and interactive effects of word frequency and masked repetition in the lexical decision task

In previous studies, additive effects of masked repetition and word frequency on lexical decision latency have been reported. This additive pattern was replicated in Experiment 1 with the use of lowfrequency words (range, 1–7 per million) selected at random. In contrast, in Experiment 2, in which low-frequency words known to be familiar to the subjects were used, the masked repetition priming effect was greater for low-frequency than for high-frequency words. It is suggested that the absence of an interaction between masked repetition and frequency observed in previous studies and in the present Experiment 1 was due to the fact that very-low-frequency words often have an unstable representation in the subjects’ lexicon and, consequently, sometimes fail to produce repetition priming effects in full.     

The lexical decision list task: A research note

The lexical decision list task, a paper-and-pencil version of the standard lexical decision task, is introduced and described. Data are reported demonstrating that subjects' responses to manipulations of phonological confusability, stimulus difficulty, and case presentation are analogous to those obtained with the use of the standard task.     

Cognitive effort and the word frequency effect in recognition and lexical decision

Cognitive effort requirements for high and low frequency words were assessed during study for a recognition test and during the performance of a lexical decision task. Recognition for these words was tested following each task. Low frequency words received greater effort than high frequency words during study for recognition, and these words were subsequently recognized better than high frequency words. Cognitive effort requirements during performance of an incidental lexical decision task were similar to those during study for recognition. Moreover, recognition performance following the lexical decision task resembled performance following a recognition expectancy. Overall, the results indicate that low frequency words require more extensive processing than high frequency words and that this difference in processing may be a factor in recognition word frequency effects.     

Aphasic performance on a lexical decision task: multiple meanings and word frequency

The lexical access of words varying in the number of meanings and frequency of occurrence was examined in fluent and nonfluent aphasic individuals and a control group of non-brain-damaged adults, using a lexical decision task. Fluent aphasic subjects performed similarly to nonfluent aphasic and normal subjects, showing that words with a high number of meanings and with a high frequency of occurrence were recognized as real words faster than words with few meanings or a low frequency of occurrence. While previous research has demonstrated that the number of meanings associated with a word exerts a powerful influence on the internal lexicon of normals, the results of this study suggest that brain damage resulting in aphasia does not disrupt this semantic organization.     

Retroactive semantic priming in a lexical decision task

The present study reports two experiments that required subjects to name target items preceded by a masked prime. Additionally, and subsequent to the naming task, subjects were required to indicate whether or not the prime was a word, along with a confidence rating of their lexical decision. Experiment 1 demonstrates that the processing of masked primes is facilitated by related targets when such targets are presented either 100 or 200 msec after the onset of the prime. Experiment 2 extends the finding of “retroactive” priming to a 1000=msec separation in prime-target presentation (SOA). The extent of retroactive priming is not dependent on SOA between prime and target, nor is it affected by the prime-mask SOA, which varied from 10 to 180 msec. Priming of targets was also independent of prime-target and prime-mask SOA, providing that primes had been classified as words. For word primes classified as non-words there was no semantic priming on target naming reaction time. Implications of these findings with respect to the nature of retroactive priming and the current controversy concerning subliminal priming effects were discussed.     

The effects of associative and semantic priming in the lexical decision task

Four lexical decision experiments were conducted to examine under which conditions automatic semantic priming effects can be obtained. Experiments 1 and 2 analyzed associative/semantic effects at several very short stimulus-onset asynchronies (SOAs), whereas Experiments 3 and 4 used a single-presentation paradigm at two response-stimulus intervals (RSIs). Experiment 1 tested associatively related pairs from three semantic categories (synonyms, antonyms, and category coordinates). The results showed reliable associative priming effects at all SOAs. In addition, the correlation between associative strength and magnitude of priming was significant only at the shortest SOA (66 ms). When prime-target pairs were semantically but not associatively related (Experiment 2), reliable priming effects were obtained at SOAs of 83 ms and longer. Using the single-presentation paradigm with a short RSI (200 ms, Experiment 3), the priming effect was equal in size for associative + semantic and for semantic-only pairs (a 21-ms effect). When the RSI was set much longer (1,750 ms, Experiment 4), only the associative + semantic pairs showed a reliable priming effect (23 ms). The results are interpreted in the context of models of semantic memory.     

Age of acquisition, word frequency, and the role of phonology in the lexical decision task

In five experiments, we examined the respective roles of word age of acquisition (AoA) and frequency in the lexical decision task. The two variables were manipulated orthogonally (while controlling for concreteness and length) in fully factorial designs. Experiment 1 was a conventional lexical decision task, and Experiments 2-5 involved various attempts to interfere with reliance upon phonology. In Experiment 2, only orthographically illegal nonwords were used; in Experiment 3, pseudohomophone nonwords; in Experiment 4, articulatory suppression by the recitation of a nursery rhyme; and in Experiment 5, articulatory suppression by the repetition of a single word. The same basic pattern of results was observed in all experiments: There were main effects of both AoA and frequency, which interacted in such a way that the AoA effect was larger for low- than for high-frequency words. Although the AoA effect was reduced by manipulations intended to interfere with phonological processing, the manipulations did not eliminate the effect. The results are discussed in terms of current models of reading in which it is proposed that AoA has its primary effect on the retrieval of lexical phonology, which appears to be consulted automatically in the lexical decision task.     

Orthographic neighborhood and concreteness effects in the lexical decision task

The experiment reported here investigated the sensitivity of concreteness effects to orthographic neighborhood density and frequency in the visual lexical decision task. The concreteness effect was replicated with a sample of concrete and abstract words that were not matched for orthographic neighborhood features and in which concrete words turned out to have a higher neighborhood density than abstract words. No consistent effect of concreteness was found with a sample of concrete and abstract words matched for orthographic neighborhood density and frequency and having fewer neighbors and higher-frequency neighbors than the words of the first sample. Post hoc analyses of the results showed that orthographic neighborhood density was not a nuisance variable producing a spurious effect of concreteness but, instead, that the existence of higher-frequency neighbors constitutes a necessary condition for concreteness effects to appear in the lexical decision task. This finding is consistent with the hypothesis that semantic information is accessed and used to generate the responses in lexical decision when inhibition from orthographic forms delays the target word recognition.     

Priming processes in the Simon task: more evidence from the lexical decision task for a third route in the Simon effect

Recently, it was proposed that the Simon effect would result not only from two interfering processes, as classical dual-route models assume, but from three processes. It was argued that priming from the spatial code to the nonspatial code might facilitate the identification of the nonspatial stimulus feature in congruent Simon trials. In the present study, the authors provide evidence that the identification of the nonspatial information can be facilitated by the activation of an associated spatial code. In three experiments, participants first associated centrally presented animal and fruit pictures with spatial responses. Subsequently, participants decided whether laterally presented letter strings were words (animal, fruit, or other words) or nonwords; stimulus position could be congruent or incongruent to the associated spatial code. As hypothesized, animal and fruit words were identified faster at congruent than at incongruent stimulus positions from the association phase. The authors conclude that the activation of the spatial code spreads to the nonspatial code, resulting in facilitated stimulus identification in congruent trials. These results speak to the assumption of a third process involved in the Simon task.