阿弥陀佛

在五台山佛光寺东大殿的右面,供奉着一尊大慈大悲的彩色佛像,叫做阿弥陀佛。阿弥陀佛,又名阿弥多佛、阿弥跢佛、阿弥亸佛,略曰弥陀。梵语Amitayus,译曰无量寿。又梵名Amitabha,译曰无量光。《阿弥陀经》曰:“彼佛何故号阿弥陀?舍利佛,彼佛光明无量,照十方国无所障碍,是故号为阿弥陀;又舍利佛,彼佛寿命及其     

镇海寺楹联牌匾

金光：金色之光。《观无量寿经》日：“如意宝珠,露出金色微妙光明。”     

禅意三题

开悟——生命的觉醒什么叫做“开悟”呢?“开悟”也就是我们常说的“明心见性”。佛陀出现于世就是为此一大事因缘,要令一切众生开示悟入佛之知见,即开佛知见,示佛知见,入佛知见。我们学佛也是要为此一大事因缘,即根据佛所开示的佛之知见而悟佛知见,入佛知见。这是我们学佛的根本宗旨和根本出发点。因此,说“明心见性”,说“开悟”,并不是禅宗独有的,而是整个佛教的立足点。整个佛教都围绕开示悟入佛之知见而展开。“开悟”一般     

宋代儒佛之辩中的“心”与“觉”

心性论是宋代儒佛之辩的核心议题，本文以儒佛共用的概念“心”与“觉”为核心，从禅宗和理学两方面分析儒佛差异，重点关注以朱熹为代表的南宋儒者在辟佛时所针对的禅宗思想和儒佛之辩的根本原则。在“心”与“觉”的问题上，儒佛之辩的重点在于觉、心、性三者的关系和理路，尤其是禅宗中以知觉为佛性的思想。是否向上一提，有超越“心”与“觉”的最高本体——天理，成为理学与禅宗的根本差异。鉴于程门后学中出现轻视形上本体，强调发挥心之知觉作用的思想倾向，与禅宗单讲觉、觉悟之心有相似之处，因而南宋儒佛之辩的重点转向了儒门内部的思想清理。     

法眼答慧超

[垂示]云:声前一句,千圣莫传。未曾亲觐,如隔大千。古印度外道有声论,佛破之曰:“声是无常之物,妄识所作。”中国的禅僧却不如此否定声,却是要追究到“声前一句。”其实古人提出了声的问题,是非常伟大     

佛法是世界之光

<正> 各位领导、各位专家学者、各位护法居士、来宾们: 今天是佛诞节,释迦牟尼佛降临人间的喜庆日子,过去有人把佛陀的诞生称为"亚洲之光",意谓亚洲东方文化的光明。从现在发展的趋势来看,佛教已经普及到全世界一百四十多个国家,包括许多文化和慈善团体。所以,释迦牟尼佛的诞生,不单是亚洲之光,也是世界之光,因为佛的诞生,我们众生才能见到光明,这在佛教来讲就是般若之光,由此岸到达彼岸的般若之光。这是一件了不起的事情! 我们的国家领导人号召进行和谐社会建     

千臂千钵文殊图像探析

密教盛行的中唐,伴随着五台山文殊信仰的兴盛,出现了一种形象类似千手观音的千钵文殊,但与之相应的本经《千钵经》却并非译自梵本,而是中土所造之伪经。文章通过考察佛钵、释迦及文殊三者间的关系,发现其中所蕴含的佛钵信仰及传法思想是促使文殊手持佛钵的主要原因。     

宋代理学的伦理范世与德育方法

一经由唐代儒释道的思潮冲突与观念激荡,儒家的价值观在士大夫那里得到进一步的确认与巩固。随着道统说的倡叙和排佛运动的展开,士大夫们的自我身份觉识与经世之志大大提升,复苏儒学乃戌时代的精神斩向。然而,由于这一运动的先行者们或排佛躁切(如韩愈)、或依恋佛光(如李翱)。佛理的实蕴并没有能够被消解转化为儒学的活力源泉,因而儒家的发展并未呈跃升之势。这种局面一直持续到宋初。     

小记五台山七佛寺

站在台怀镇地面的北部,翘首北望,可以看见一座巍峨壮观的宝塔耸立云霄。这座宝塔的所在地就是五台山七佛寺。七佛寺名称源于《长阿含经》,《长阿含经》载:在释迦牟尼之前已有六佛,即毗婆尸佛、尸弃佛、毗舍浮图、拘留孙佛、拘那含牟尼佛、迦叶佛与释迦牟尼佛统称“过去七佛”。七佛寺之名即缘由于此。五台山是文殊菩萨的演法道场,又因文殊菩萨曾为七佛之师,因而为之立寺,以作纪念。五台山别的寺院均以文殊菩萨为主要供养的对象,唯独此寺以七佛为供养主尊,这是十分独特的一个佛教现象。沿着寺前弯曲的水泥小路向上攀登,天王殿额“七佛寺”三…     

浅谈建造灵山大佛的现实作用和深远意义

号称神州五方五佛之大佛的无锡灵山大佛,正式开光至今已逾一年半的时间。在这短短一段时间里,佛教信徒和观光游客纷至沓来,人流如潮。仅去年一年的游客就逾200万人次。有时,节假日一天内游客就达到二、三万人次。不仅祥符禅寺香火空前旺盛,而且一向鲜为人知的无锡市马山区,如今大有车水马龙、门庭若市之感,这不仅意味着千年古刹祥符禅寺已在党的宗教政策的阳光照耀下复苏,同时也看到马山的明天,将更加繁荣兴旺,佛光已经普照到整个小灵山地区。建造灵山大佛是无锡市、马山区有关领导为弘扬祖国文化艺术、落实党的宗教政策以及促进地方经济发…     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.