Does providing props during preparation help children to remember a novel event?

We investigated the conditions under which preparatory information presented 1 day before a novel event influenced 6-year-olds' recall 1 week later. Children were assigned to one of six experimental conditions. Three conditions involved preparatory information that described the event accurately but differed according to the presence and type of props (verbal, real props, and toy props). In two conditions, which also differed according to whether verbal information was supplemented with real props, half of the preparatory information described the event accurately, whereas the other half was thematically similar to, but inconsistent with, the event (misleading verbal and misleading props). Compared with the attentional control condition, all forms of preparation that described the event accurately increased correct recall. Preparation that included props improved photograph recognition. When half of the accurate information was replaced by misleading information, the positive benefit on recall was reduced, and when misleading props accompanied the misleading information, errors increased. The potential underlying mechanisms and implications for pediatric settings are discussed.     

Using Toys and Models in Interviews with Young Children

The present study examined the conditions under which toys and model items facilitate children's accounts of personally experienced events. In three experiments, 109 five- to six-year-old children were interviewed about an event in which they had participated. Experiment 1 varied the similarity of the props to the items from the event while Experiments 2 and 3 varied the number of model items and the method of their presentation. Results showed that increasing the physical similarity of the props to items from the event, adding spatial layout cues, or increasing the number of props provided enhanced the facilitative effects of props on children's accounts. The implications of these results for interviewing children in clinical and legal contexts are discussed. © 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Recalling an event one year later: the impact of props,drawing and a prior interview

One hundred and one 5‐year‐old children were interviewed about a routine health assessment carried out at school following delays of both 3 days and 1 year or 1 year only. Children were interviewed with prototypical medical items and a doll (props), with verbal prompts only (verbal), or with drawing (drawing). There was a decrease in both the amount and the accuracy of the information children reported over the 1‐year delay, but no effect of the prior (3‐day) interview. Children interviewed with props recalled more information than those asked to draw or interviewed with verbal prompts only, particularly at the long delay. Correct information was more likely to be repeated across interviews than were errors, and, whereas information repeated across interviews was highly reliable, information introduced for the first time after 1 year was not, particularly when children drew. These findings have important implications in applied contexts such as when children are called upon to provide testimony following very long delays. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Returning to the scene: reminders and context reinstatement enhance children's recall.

Two studies examined the efficacy of context reinstatement as a reminder in enhancing 5- to 7-year-old children's recall. In Experiment 1, children who had been interviewed shortly after an event were reinterviewed 6 months later. Children exposed to a context reminder 24 hr before the 6-month interview and children interviewed in the event context did not differ but reported significantly more information in a verbal interview than children receiving a standard interview. A control group experienced the reminder but not the event and established that the effects of the reminder were not due to new learning. There was no effect of the reminder on accuracy and no effect in reenactment. In Experiment 2, children were interviewed for the first time after 6 months, and effects of the reminder were found for both verbal recall and reenactment. Nonverbal reminders may effectively enhance the amount of information children report without decreasing accuracy.     

The impact of misleading questions on eyewitness memory in children and adults

The study examined developmental patterns of the negative effect of misleading post‐event information in two different kinds of eyewitness interviews. A total of 284 subjects aged between five and 64 years were shown a short video about a theft and three weeks as well as four weeks later questioned about it. The social pressure in the interview after three weeks was manipulated by asking half of the subjects suggestive and misleading questions. The other half was asked open‐ended and unbiased questions. In the neutral interview four weeks later, all subjects were asked the same set of recognition questions about the event. The results revealed that preschoolers in particular had problems with the interplay between cognitive and social factors (social pressure induced through the wording of the misleading questions) in the interview setting after three weeks. In the neutral recognition test, all age groups were shown to suffer from prior misinformation to about the same extent. However, with an exception in the group of 6‐year‐old children the negative effect of prior misinformation on the accuracy of recognition proved to be due to items that were peripheral to the observed event. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Individual differences in children's event memory reports and the narrative elaboration technique

Children between 7 and 8 years old took part in a staged event at school and 1 week later were assessed using a short form of the Wechsler Intelligence scale for children (third edition) and measures of metamemory, narrative ability, and socioeconomic status. Two weeks following the event, children either received narrative elaboration training (NET; K.J. Saywitz & L. Snyder, 1996) and were prompted with the four NET cue cards at interview; received verbal prompts corresponding to the cue card categories, but without prior training; or were presented with the cards at interview without prior training. Children given verbal labels as prompts recalled as much information as children who received NET training and cue cards. Measures of intelligence were predictive of amount recalled for cards-only children but not for the other 2 groups, indicating that differences in recall between low- and high-IQ groups were attenuated when recall was supported by NET training or verbal prompting.     

Do Non‐Verbal Aids Increase the Effectiveness of ‘Best Practice’ Verbal Interview Techniques? An Experimental Study

Two experiments examined the effectiveness of non‐verbal interview aids as means of increasing the amount of information children report about an event under conditions designed to mimic their use in the field. In the first study, 27 5–7‐year‐old children took part in an event, and 7–10 days later were interviewed using the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Protocol interview followed by an opportunity to draw the event or complete puzzles and, in turn, a second verbal interview. New information was reported following both drawing and puzzles and accuracy declined in both conditions, but drawing did not differentially influence recall. In the second experiment, dolls or human figure diagrams were introduced to clarify children's (N = 53) reports of touch as recommended in by some professionals, with a verbal interview serving as a control. Props did not increase the amount of information reported compared with best practice verbal techniques, but nor did they elevate errors. The findings support the use of a second recall attempt, but do not support the use of non‐verbal aids, even when these are used following professional recommendations. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Do early interviews affect children's long‐term event recall?

The present study examined the effects of the timing of an initial interview on children's recall of an event over delays of 1 and 2 years. Fifty‐five children who had originally participated in a novel event when they were between 5‐ and 6‐years old and had been interviewed about it following either short (1 week or less) or long (1 or 6 month) delays were re‐interviewed 1 and 2 years after the original experience. An additional 20 children not interviewed prior to the 1‐year interview were included as a no‐prior‐interview control group. Long delays to the initial interview led to better open‐ended recall at the 1‐year delay than short delays to initial interview or no prior interview. However, initial interviews that followed short delays had a greater impact on children's responses to specific questions. The results suggest that prior interview history is an important consideration when examining the effects of long delays on children's event reports, and that the effects of the timing of an initial interview depend on the nature of the information recalled. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Does parental coaching affect children's false reports? Comparing verbal markers of deception

The present study examined differences in children's true and false narratives as a function of parental coaching by comparing the verbal markers associated with deception. Children (N = 65, 4–7 years old) played the same game with an adult stranger over three consecutive days. Parents coached their children to falsely allege that they had played a second game and to generate details for the fabricated event. One week after the last play session, children were interviewed about their experiences. For children with the least amount of parental coaching, true and false reports could be distinguished by multiple verbal markers of deception (e.g., cognitive processes, temporal information, self‐references). The fabricated reports of children who spent more time being coaching by a parent resembled their truthful reports. These findings have implications for real‐world forensic contexts when children have been coached to make false allegations and fabricate information at the behest of a parent.     

The effects of varying toy detail within a prototypical play object on the solitary pretend play of preschool children

Claims about the relative holding-power and play-versatility of low-versus high- realistically detailed replica toy cars were tested in a solitary play environment with and without the use of props using 36 middle-class preschoolers. Results are contrary to traditional claims and suggest that when detail is varied within the toy prototype, highly detailed cars as compared with low-detailed cars had a greater holding power on children's pretend play as evidenced by a greater play elaboration and less distracted behavior with the highly detailed cars. Also, contrary to traditional claims, there were no significant differences in the subjects' play versatility between high- and low-detailed cars. Props in the form of roads had little impact upon the length of time children spent in pretend play; however, props did appear to focus play toward prototypic-theme behaviors.     

Suggestibility and source monitoring errors: blame the interview style,interviewer consistency,and the child's personality

Sixty children were forced to confabulate or given misinformation about a simulated crime. Higher suggestibility in the forced confabulation group than in the suggestive group occurred even after 1 week. Interview source errors in the forced confabulation group were higher for confabulations when asked by the same person, but for control items when asked by a different person. Interview source errors in the suggestive group were higher for confabulations when asked by a different person, but for control items when asked by the same person. Confabulations were misattributed to the video by the forced confabulation more than the suggestive group. However, both groups mistakenly believed they had previously discussed control true‐event items. Suggestibility was high when imaginative and dissociative children were forced to confabulate. Control false‐event items were misattributed to the interview by compliant children and to the video by imaginative children in the forced confabulation group. Shy children in the forced confabulation group misattributed confabulations to the video, whereas distractible children in the suggestive group misattributed control false‐event items to both sources. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Tacting and manding in correspondence training: effects of child selection of verbalization.

We investigated correspondence between verbal and nonverbal behavior in preschool children in a play setting. Four children (4 years old) participated in a multiple baseline across subjects design. Children were asked what toy(s) they were going to play with during an immediately upcoming play period. When no contingencies were placed on either verbal or nonverbal behavior, children showed high rates of correspondence. When children were required to verbalize about a toy from a restricted range of infrequently used toys, but no contingencies were placed on correspondence, low rates of correspondence were observed. High rates of correspondence were noted when reinforcement was contingent on it. Results are discussed in terms of tacting and manding.     

Episodic recall of specifics and generalisation coexist in 25-month-old children

It is clear that children generalise their knowledge of events from one instantiation to another. The means by which generalisation is accomplished are unclear. In three experiments, we used elicited imitation of multi-step sequences to test whether 25-month-olds' generalisation occurs as a function of forgetting of the features of the original event. Experiment 1 was an initial test of generalisation from one version of an event to another version involving perceptually different yet functionally analogous props. After a 1-week delay, children showed evidence of generalisation by enacting the event using the analogous props. Experiment 2 was a within-subject test of generalisation and memory for the original version of an event. After a 1-week delay, when paired with unrelated distractor props, analogous props served as effective retrieval cues; when paired with the original props, analogous props were treated as functionally equivalent to unrelated distractors. This within-subject reversal in the functional role of analogous props is compelling evidence that children's event representations include specific features and, at the same time, are generalisable. In Experiment 3, children showed evidence of generalisation immediately after exposure to an event, thereby making clear that generalisation occurs even in the face of robust memory for the specific features of the original event.     

Children's memories for events relating to treatment for eye cancer: Influence of age at loss of eye

Treatment for retinoblastoma frequently involves removal of at least one eye in the first 5 years. Variation in age of treatment leads to the assumption that children's later verbal accessibility of early traumatic memories may vary, with some children having less opportunity to make sense of their condition. Video recordings were made of 17 children who had undergone enucleation either before 24 months (n = 8) or after 24 months (n = 9) involved in “hospital play'' using props designed to elicit talk about “eyes.” The hypothesis that a larger number of verbalizations about medical procedures would occur in children enucleated after 24 months than before 24 months was supported. Children enucleated after 24 months engaged in significantly more talk about enucleation and/or examination under anesthetic whereas none of the children enucleated in infancy talked about these medical events. The outcome supports the view that there is a transition around 24 months in the extent to which children can have verbal access to previous traumatic memories. The design of interventions needs to take into account that children enucleated in infancy have less opportunity for later verbal access to early memories of traumatic events than those treated later, leading to possible misconceptions about their own condition.     

Age-related changes in verbal and nonverbal memory during early childhood

In the present experiment, age-related changes in verbal and nonverbal memory performance by 2- to 4-year-old children were assessed. All children participated in the same unique event, and their memory of that event was assessed after a 24-hr delay. Overall, children's performance on each memory measure increased as a function of age. Furthermore, children's performance on both the verbal and nonverbal memory tests was related to their language ability; children with more advanced language skills reported more during the verbal interview and exhibited superior nonverbal memory relative to children with less advanced language skills. Finally, children's verbal recall of the event lagged behind both their nonverbal recall and their general verbal skill. It is hypothesized that despite large strides in language acquisition. preschool-age children continue to rely primarily on nonverbal representations of past events. The findings have important implications for the phenomenon of childhood amnesia.     

Accepting and exempting the unexpected: 30-month-olds'' generalization of event knowledge

In 2 experiments, we used elicited imitation to test the effects of the amount and type of change to a previously experienced event on 2.5-year-olds' generalization of event knowledge. In Experiment 1, children were shown and then enacted event sequences. At two subsequent visits the props used to enact some of the sequences were completely or partially replaced by functionally equivalent props. Children used the new props to enact the events, thereby demonstrating spontaneous generalization. Nevertheless, as in previous research (Bauer & Fivush, 1992), there were decrements in performance associated with the prop-change manipulation. In Experiment 2, we examined in more detail the determinants of disruption to generalization. Results indicated that an interaction of the location and amount of change within pairs of actions joined by enabling relations (i.e., change to both members of a pair of actions occurring early in the event sequence) negatively affected generalization. Across locations, there was a greater negative effect on generalization when change was made to an antecedent rather than a consequent member of an enabling pair. We suggest that influences on the accommodation of change within events can be understood by considering the organizational role played by the elements subject to change.     

Reducing Suggestibility in Child Witness Interviews

This study set out to test the prediction that a Cognitive Interview may increase resistance to subsequent misleading suggestions in child witness interviews. The misleading information was presented in the form of questions both prior to, and after, a cognitive or structured interview to 8- and 9-year-old witnesses to a video-taped event. Use of the cognitive interview resulted in more correct responses to post-interview questions than did the structured interview even though there was not quite a significant effect of the cognitive interview on information recalled during the actual interview. On the basis of their interview performance, the children were classified as ‘intruders’ or ‘non-intruders’ (i.e. those children who intruded pre-interview misleading items into the subsequent interview and those who did not). The ‘non-intruders’ made significantly fewer errors on the post-interview questions, indicating lower vulnerability to misleading information. Moreover, those children who selected the ‘don't know’ option made fewer errors in the interview and were more accurate in their responses. Theoretical and practical implications of the data are discussed in the context of group differences in vulnerability to suggestion and techniques for increasing resistance to suggestion.     

Preschoolers’ Motor and Verbal Self-Control Strategies During a Resistance-to-Temptation Task

Although prior research has shown that young children exhibit enhanced self-control when they use verbal strategies provided through adult instructions, little work has examined the role of children's spontaneous verbalizations or motor behavior as strategies for enhancing self-control. The present study examined the usefulness of spontaneous verbal and motor strategies for 39 3- and 4-year-old children's ability to exercise self-control during a resistance-to-temptation task. After a 2-min play period, participants were asked by an experimenter not to touch an attractive train set while he was out of the room. Children were videotaped during the 3-min waiting period and videos were coded for frequency and duration of touches, motor movements, and verbalizations. Results indicated that self-control was improved by using both motor and verbal strategies. Children who were unable to resist touching the forbidden toy used limited motor or verbal strategies. These findings add to the growing literature demonstrating the positive role of verbalizations on cognitive control and draw attention to motor behaviors as additional strategies used by young children to exercise self-control.