Rethinking citizenship rights of non‐Muslims in an Islamic state: Rashid al‐Ghannūshi's contribution to the evolving debate

Of interest to Islamists of the twentieth century has been the question of minority rights in an Islamic state and of how non‐Muslim minorities should be treated: in particular, should they enjoy equal citizenship rights and responsibilities with Muslims? Traditional Islamic law did not accord equal rights to non‐Muslim protected minorities (ahl al‐dhimma), placing Muslims above them in several key areas. Notwithstanding the law, however, early Muslim rulers exercised some pragmatic discretion according to the imperatives of their day. With the Islamic revival of the twentieth century, the traditional view has been adopted by several Muslim thinkers and leaders, though the traditional view is at odds with the concept of the nation‐state. The nation‐state is built on a secular premise, with no single religious group favoured over another. Within this context, a number of Muslim thinkers have attempted to reinterpret the traditionally held view of ‘citizenship rights’. This article will focus on the contribution of one such thinker, the Tunisian Islamist Rashid al‐Ghannūshi, who espouses somewhat ‘liberal’ views on the issue and argues for rethinking on a number of related aspects. Commencing with some background to the problem, the article explores the issue of citizenship rights as espoused by Ghannūshi, and notes the key importance of the concept of justice as their basis, in his view. Specific rights examined are: freedom of belief, including for Muslims who wish to change their religion; the holding of public office by non‐Muslims; equal treatment for Muslims and non‐Muslims in terms of fiscal duties and benefits. Throughout his arguments, Ghannūshi emphasizes justice as central to the issue, and as the basis of interpreting and developing related rules and laws. Although Ghannūshi's views are not entirely new, he goes well beyond what has been acceptable in Islamic law, and his contribution should be considered important in the efforts at rethinking Islamic law in this area.     

“I Didn’t Expect to Learn as Much as I Did”: Rewards of Caregiving in Young Adulthood

While much attention is given to unpaid caregivers in midlife, there is a notable gap in the literature regarding young adults in family caregiving roles. Although two out of 5 family caregivers are between the ages of 18 and 40, we know relatively little about these younger relatives providing support to ill and disabled family members. Understanding the experiences of this under-researched population is critical to effective social service provision for this new wave of caregivers. In addition, the challenges associated with caregiving are well documented, yet examining the positive aspects of caregiving is necessary to provide a balanced picture of caregiving. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the gains experienced by family caregivers in young adulthood. In-depth telephone interviews were conducted with a diverse sample of 22 individuals who were (or had previously been) caregivers while in young adulthood. Analysis of the data resulted in identification of four themes concerning gains experienced by young adult caregivers: a strengthening of family relationships, character growth, personal satisfaction in the care provided, and material benefit. This study sheds some understanding on rewards experienced by a subgroup of family caregivers who has received little attention—young adult caregivers.     

Major themes in the Arabic political literature of Islamic revivalism, 1970–1985: The Islamic system of government (al‐nizam al‐islami), shūra democracy and the implementation of the Sharica as opposed to secularism (cilmaniyya)

The analysis of the political literature of Islamic revivalism belongs to the pertinent issues of Muslim‐Christian dialogue. This article is an inquiry into the major themes of this literature published in Arabic. The historical context of the writings of political Islam is the failure of the secular nation‐state in the world of Islam to cope with the processes of modernization and development. The political Islamic response to this failure is the revival of the dream of reconstructing the Islamic state along the model of Medina on the eve of the rise of Islam. The analysis of the intellectual reconstruction of the early Islamic state as an expression of divine order, which ought to replace the secular state, reveals that this construction is imbued with projections of modern times into the Islamic past. Thus the alleged Islamic government of nizam islami/Islamic system as a modern issue is an outgrowth of political Islam. In this sense, the notion that Islam is a din wa‐dawla/ divine order of the state cannot be found in classical Islamic sources. Part one of this two‐part article comes to the conclusion that political Islam is a burden for modern Islam and an obstacle to the accommodation of the needs of the Muslim people to the modern age; it is not a promising future prospect in the present situation of crisis.